T HE PE R SECUTION O F T HE J E WS IN BERLIN 1933–1945 WOLF GRUNER T HE PE R SECUTION OF T HE J E WS IN BERLIN 1933–1945 A C HRO NOLOGY O F M E A S URES BY TH E AUTHORITIES I N T HE GERMAN C AP ITAL TR A N S L ATED BY W I L L I AM TEMPLER Publisher: Stitung Topographie des Terrors, Berlin Represented by Prof. Dr. Andreas Nachama Translation (updated) of the 2nd substantially revised and expanded edition of 2009 Layout: Kurt Blank-Markard Printed by: Ruksaldruck, Berlin © 2014 Stitung Topographie des Terrors, Berlin ISBN 978-3-941772-14-4 7 9 11 Preface to the second edition Preface to the irst edition Introduction Chronology of Persecution 55 74 80 90 95 101 123 133 143 152 162 167 169 173 183 186 187 188 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 Appendix Tables Glossary List of abbreviations List of archives consulted Selected sources and literature Preface to the second substantially revised and expanded edition When the irst edition of Wolf Gruner’s Judenverfolgung in Berlin 1933–1945. Eine Chronologie der Behördenmaßnahmen in der Reichshauptstadt appeared, the numerous inquiries in the context of the educational work of the Topography of Terror Foundation made it clear to us that for teachers and educators in Berlin, the history of persecution of Berlin Jewry was of special importance in their teaching due to the geographical immediacy of these events. From this initial situation, a multi-faceted monument was created in the neighborhood Bavarian Quarter (Bayerisches Viertel) in 1993 that extends across the entire quarter, entitled Orte des Erinnerns (Places of Remembrance). It consists of 80 street signs aixed to lampposts, and seeks to highlight the everyday events in the persecution by presenting an array of anti-Jewish laws and regulations. For example, in front of a radio shop, the text of the decree on surrendering to the authorities the radios in their possession which the Jews had to obey was aixed in a highly visible spot. he Topography of Terror Foundation pursued a similar objective with the publication in 1996 of Judenverfolgung in Berlin 1933–1945 edited by Prof. Dr. Reinhard Rürup. here is much speciic demand for this book down to today. he Topography of Terror Foundation is extremely grateful to Prof. Dr. Wolf Gruner that ater he relocated to the United States to assume the Shapell-Guerin Chair in Jewish Studies at the University of Southern California, he agreed to edit the second edition of the book and above all to supplement it extensively and write a new introduction. he measures by the National Socialist municipal administration against the Berlin Jews chronicled here give us a graphic picture of how the exclusion of the Jews from all spheres of public life unfolded, forcing many Berlin Jews to emigrate, and ultimately led to that program of murder for which more than 52,000 Berlin Jews had to pay with their lives. he emigration and deportations led to a situation where only a few thousand Jews in the city survived the Nazi mass murder and Jewish culture in Berlin was destroyed for decades to come. he present chronology is part of a series of publications which have been issued in recent years by the Topography of Terror Foundation. Noteworthy among these are the memorial book Berliner Juden im Getto Litzmannstadt 1941–1944, the exhibition catalogue Fire! Anti-Jewish Terror on “Kristallnacht” in November 1938 and the scholarly collective volume on the exhibition Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin (Jewish History in Berlin). hese publications, which deal with various aspects of the history of Jewish life and the persecution of the Jews in Berlin, thus extend beyond the actual framework of the Topography of Terror Foundation. Nonetheless, manifest in all these publica7 tions is also the topic of central interest to the Foundation, namely the perpetrators, which forms the other side of the same coin.1 he Topography of Terror Foundation is situated on a plot of land at the corner of the former Prinz-Albrecht-Straße and Wilhelmstraße. his is where the Main Oice of the Secret State Police (Geheimes Staatspolizeiamt), the Reich Headquarters of the SS, and from 1939 the Reich Security Main Oice were all located. hese centers of Nazi terror were the direct or indirect architects and agents of innumerable arbitrary acts against the Jewish population of Berlin enumerated in the chronology, and which ater the outbreak of the war had an impact that swept virtually across the entire European continent. Hovever, this chronology focuses on Berlin, due to the positive response of the readers to the irst edition, and is in keeping with the wish of the Berliners to highlight the history of persecution sufered by the Jews in their city. he Topography of Terror Foundation is grateful to all those who were active in bringing both the 1996 and 2009 editions of the book and its English version to publication. Berlin, December 2013 Prof. Dr. Andreas Nachama Director Topography of Terror Foundation 1 8 Berliner Juden im Getto Litzmannstadt 1941–1944. Ein Gedenkbuch, comp. by Ingo Loose, ed. Stitung Topographie des Terrors, Berlin 2009; Fire! Anti-Jewish Terror on “Kristallnacht” in November 1938, ed. Andreas Nachama/Uwe Neumärker/Hermann Simon, Berlin 2008; 2013 another expanded volume was published: idem (eds.), „Es brennt!“ 75 Jahre nach den Novemberpogromen 1938 – “Fire!” 75 Years ater the Pogroms in November 1938; Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin. Essays und Studien, ed. Reinhard Rürup, Berlin 1995. Preface to the irst edition 1996 Half a century ater the end of National Socialist tyranny, we still do not have a history of the persecution, expulsion and murder of Berlin Jewry which is based on the existing source materials. We know a great deal about the history of the persecution of the Jews in Germany and the murder of European Jewry. Nonetheless, our knowledge of actual events in Berlin, a city where during the Nazi period more than a third of all Jews in Germany lived, remains at best fragmentary. When the Topography of Terror Foundation began with preparations for the exhibition “Jewish History in Berlin,” which was opened to the public in May 1995 in conjunction with the opening of the reconstructed areas of the New Synagogue on Oranienburger Straße, it was thus clear to us right from the outset: we would have to engage in our own fresh research in order to present the years of Jewish history in Berlin between 1933 and 1945. Dr. Wolf Gruner, who was assigned this task, was already familiar with a portion of the relevant materials as a result of his earlier investigations, and other sources were located and tapped. he most important indings of this work were manifested in the exhibition and in two accompanying publications, an exhibition catalogue and a scholarly collection of articles (Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin. Bilder und Dokumente; Essays und Studien, 2 vols., ed. R. Rürup, Berlin 1995, 371 pp; 312 pp.). If the Foundation has now decided likewise to publish a chronology of events in this connection, in the meantime substantially revised and expanded, that is because we at the Foundation are convinced that such a compilation of data can be of great value, not only vital for educational purposes but also for the ongoing historical and political discussion in Berlin. he Foundation also hopes over and beyond this that these materials will also provide a stimulus for future research. hey document the current state of knowledge and open up the path to accessible source materials, including many that were previously unknown. Of course, a chronology cannot replace an extensive overview and presentation, but can only pave the way to that end. An important point to bear in mind is that this chronology deals with the measures of persecution implemented by the authorities in Berlin, and not with the experience of those it afected. It does not chronicle the fate of the Berlin Jews between 1933 and 1945, which would have to be front and center in a complete and comprehensive study. We would like to express our gratitude to Dr. Gruner for his many insights and the tenacity with which he has worked on the relevant source materials and put together this chronology. We are grateful to Ms. Erika Bucholtz for her scrupulous work in editing the publication. Prof. Dr. Reinhard Rürup, Head of Research, Topography of Terror Foundation 9 Introduction Our knowledge today of the life of the Berlin Jews under National Socialist persecution – their everyday existence, their fears and hopes, and the mechanisms and machinery of discrimination – is only slightly greater than at the time of the irst edition of this chronology in 1996. hen we openly criticized the fact that 50 years ater the end of World War II, a monographic study on this topic was still a major gap in the research.2 Except for individual sections in general accounts on the history of Berlin Jewry, memoirs or studies on speciic aspects, there were hardly any investigations on the measures issued by the authorities speciically in the Reich capital.3 Up to the mid-1990s, a series of publications then appeared which shed light on everyday life in individual districts of Berlin.4 here has been little improvement in the state of historical inquiry over the past 13 years since the irst edition of this book. Yet, in the last decade, some studies have described National Socialist policy in further districts of the city.5 And several authors have looked in depth at certain aspects of the 2 3 4 5 Gruner, Wolf, Judenverfolgung in Berlin 1933–1945, Berlin 1996, p. 6. Until 1996, publications comprised: Sellenthin, Hans Gerd, Geschichte der Juden in Berlin und des Gebäudes Fasanenstraße 79/80, Berlin 1959; Juden in Berlin 1671–1945. Ein Lesebuch, mit Beiträgen von Annegret Ehmann u.a., Berlin 1988; Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin. Essays und Studien, ed. Reinhard Rürup, Berlin 1995. On individual aspects, see Elkin, Rivka, Das jüdische Krankenhaus in Berlin zwischen 1938 und 1945, ed. Förderverein Freunde des Jüdischen Krankenhauses Berlin e.V., Berlin 1993; Ball-Kaduri, Kurt Jakob, Berlin wird judenfrei. Die Juden in Berlin in den Jahren 1942/1943, in: Jahrbuch für die Geschichte Mittelund Osteuropas 22 (1973), pp. 196–241; Die Grunewald-Rampe. Die Deportation der Berliner Juden, ed. Landesbildstelle Berlin, 2nd rev. ed., Berlin 1993. Among others, Fabarius, Hans-Werner, Juden in Marienfelde. Schicksale im Dritten Reich, ed. Gemeindekirchenrat der Evangelischen Kirchengemeinde Marienfelde, Berlin 1990; Geschichtswerkstatt (ed.), Direkt vor der Haustür. Berlin-Lichtenrade im Nationalsozialismus, Berlin 1990; Juden in Kreuzberg. Fundstücke, Fragmente, Erinnerungen, Berlin 1991; Juden in Weißensee. „Ich hatte einst ein schönes Vaterland“, eds. Kulturamt Weißensee et al., Berlin 1994; Jüdisches Leben in Pankow. Eine zeitgeschichtliche Dokumentation, ed. Bund der Antifaschisten Berlin-Pankow e.V., Berlin 1993; Kaulen, Alois/Pohl, Joachim, Juden in Spandau. Vom Mittelalter bis 1945, Berlin 1988; Kreutzer, Michael, „Die Gespräche drehten sich auch vielfach um die Reise, die wir alle antreten müssen.“ Leben und Verfolgtsein der Juden in BerlinTempelhof. Biographien und Dokumentation, with Andreas Werner et al., Berlin 1988; Lüdersdorf, Gerd, Juden im Bezirk Köpenick 1812–1945. Versuch einer Rekonstruktion, Berlin 1993; Metzger, Karl-Heinz/ Schmidt, Monika/Wehe, Herbert/Wiemers, Martina, Kommunalverwaltung unterm Hakenkreuz. BerlinWilmersdorf 1933–1945, Berlin 1992; „Schon damals ingen viele an zu schweigen …“ Quellensammlung zur Geschichte Charlottenburgs von 1933–1945, Berlin 1986; Stein, Norbert/Koberstein, hea, Juden in Lichtenberg mit den früheren Ortsteilen in Friedrichshain, Hellersdorf und Marzahn, Berlin 1995. For example, Leben mit der Erinnerung. Jüdische Geschichte in Prenzlauer Berg, ed. Kulturamt Prenzlauer Berg, Prenzlauer Berg Museum für Heimatgeschichte und Stadtkultur, Berlin 1997; Girod, Regina/Lidschun, Reiner/Pfeifer, Otto, Nachbarn. Juden in Friedrichshain, ed. Kulturring in Berlin e.V., Berlin 2000; Helas, Horst, Juden in Berlin-Mitte. Biograien, Orte, Begegnungen, ed. Verein zur Vorbereitung einer Stitung Scheunenviertel Berlin e.V., Berlin 2000. 11 picture6 or individual phases in the persecution of the Jews in the city.7 But a serious comprehensive overview continues to be much needed.8 he irst edition of this chronology was based on a collection of materials gathered together by the Topography of Terror Foundation for the 1995 exhibition Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin (Jewish History in Berlin). In compiling that exhibition, contemporary publications, iles of the Berlin Municipality in the Potsdam and Berlin archives and the literature available at the time on the topic were utilized. Given the time constraints in preparing an exhibition, the archival research in many areas, such as restrictions on trade and profession, questions of “Aryanization” and expropriation, or obstacles erected for Jews in the ield of culture, had perforced to remain fragmentary. For that reason, ater the initial publication I continued to collect hitherto unknown facts pertaining to Berlin during my research on various aspects of the Nazi persecution of the Jews.9 A second revised edition now ofers an opportunity to render the material initially presented more precise in certain details, or to correct errors, and to richly supplement this material with new information. he striking gaps in the research on the history of the persecution in the very capital of the hird Reich were due in part to the special divided nature of the city down to 1989, and in part to the relatively scant and only slowly increasing interest in this topic. Today, more than 20 years ater uniication of the two German states, and thus of the extensive archival holdings, there is still lack of solid scientiic research, not only on the local persecution of the Jews, but on the city of Berlin more broadly during the National Socialist period: as the political capital of the hird Reich, as a center of industry and armaments, as the Party Gau of Joseph Goebbels or as the planning hub 6 For example, Jarausch, Konrad H., Die Vertreibung der jüdischen Studenten und Professoren von der Berliner Universität unter dem NS-Regime, in: Jahrbuch für Universitätsgeschichte, Vol. 1, Stuttgart 1998, pp. 112–133; Ladwig-Winters, Simone, Anwalt ohne Recht. Das Schicksal jüdischer Rechtsanwälte in Berlin nach 1933, Berlin 1998; Willems, Susanne, Der entsiedelte Jude. Albert Speers Wohnungsmarktpolitik für den Berliner Hauptstadtbau, Berlin 2002; Leichsenring, Jana, Die Katholische Kirche und „ihre Juden“. Das „Hilfswerk beim Bischölichen Ordinariat Berlin“ 1938–1945, Berlin 2007; Biggeleben, Christof/Schreiber, Beate/Steiner, Kilian J.L. (eds.), „Arisierung“ in Berlin, Berlin 2007; Friedenberger, Martin, Fiskalische Ausplünderung. Die Berliner Steuer- und Finanzverwaltung und die jüdische Bevölkerung 1933–1945, Berlin 2008. 7 Meyer, Beate/Simon, Hermann (eds.), Juden in Berlin 1938–1945. Begleitband zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung in der Stitung Neue Synagoge Berlin – Centrum Judaicum Mai bis August 2000, Berlin 2000; see also the English version: idem/Schütz, Chana (eds.), Jews in Nazi Berlin: From Kristallnacht to Liberation, Chicago 2009. 8 For Berlin in general two overviews which touched upon the persecution of the Jews were recently published: Hachtmann, Rüdiger/Schaarschmidt, homas/Süß, Winfried (eds.), Berlin im Nationalsozialismus. Politik und Gesellschat 1933–1945 (Beiträge zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus, Vol. 27), Göttingen 2011; Wildt, Michael/Kreutzmüller, Christoph (eds.), Berlin 1933–1945, Munich 2013. 9 Inter alia, see Gruner, Wolf, Der Geschlossene Arbeitseinsatz deutscher Juden. Zur Zwangsarbeit als Element der Verfolgung 1938 bis 1943, Berlin 1997; idem, Öfentliche Wohlfahrt und Judenverfolgung. Wechselwirkungen lokaler und zentraler Politik im NS-Staat (1933–1942), Munich 2002; idem, Widerstand in der Rosenstraße. Die Fabrik-Aktion und die Verfolgung der „Mischehen“ 1943, Frankfurt/M. 2005. 12 for the persecution of Jews across Europe. Today we have an array of diverse small pieces of the mosaic for the history of Germany’s largest Jewish community at the time, but those tessera of the past do not yet interlock into a convincing picture. his fact justiies a new signiicantly revised edition of the chronology of the Berlin measures of persecution implemented by the authorities. Berlin as capital was the city where the Reich government and Reich ministries were located, and where the most important national institutions, such as the Reichsbank, the Secret State Police (Gestapo) formed from the political police forces in the various German states, and the Reichsbahn, the national railway had their home. he Berlin Municipal Authority (Magistrat) organized the life of millions of individuals, their maintenance and care. City administrations constituted a part of the bureaucracy of the German national administration. hey were not only responsible for local measures, but also for executing measures from the national government on the local level. hey had traditionally played an important role in German domestic politics. Since more than 70 percent of the German Jews lived in 1933 in urban areas, the anti-Jewish measures instituted by the municipalities had a quite signiicant impact on how individuals experienced daily life under the Nazi dictatorship. Although the city councils as early as March 1933 had in many places been dissolved or had been restructured in an authoritarian manner along National Socialist lines, the municipal administrations demonstrated that, nonetheless or precisely for that reason, they continued to be able to take action independently and actively in the Führerstaat. Initiatives launched in Berlin, as well as in other cities, provided ideas for the policies of the central government and fostered the genesis and drating of quite a few national anti-Jewish laws.10 he Jewish Germans thus lived in the capital from 1933 on at the interface of two developments in persecution: the anti-Jewish policies of the national government on the one hand, and the anti-Jewish measures adopted by the Berlin municipal administration on the other.11 Only from a supericial perspective are the phases in the local measures of discrimination in Berlin identical with measures implemented by the German state. For example, in periods regarded previously as relatively “quiet” on the scale of the nation, numerous local instruments of discrimination against 10 See in detail Gruner, Wolf, Die NS-Judenverfolgung und die Kommunen. Zur wechselseitigen Dynamisierung von zentraler und lokaler Politik 1933–1941, in: Vierteljahrshete für Zeitgeschichte 48 (2000), No. 1, pp. 75–126; idem, Local Initiatives, Central Coordination: German Municipal Administration and the Holocaust, in: Feldman, Gerald D./Seibel, Wolfgang (eds.), Networks of Nazi Persecution. Bureaucracy, Business, and the Organization of the Holocaust, New York/Oxford 2005, pp. 269–294; idem, Die Kommunen im Nationalsozialismus. Innenpolitische Akteure und ihre wirkungsmächtige Vernetzung, in: Seibel, Wolfgang/Reichardt, Sven (eds.), Der prekäre Staat. Herrschen und Verwalten im Nationalsozialismus, Frankfurt/M. 2011, pp. 167–212. 11 Gruner, Wolf, Die Reichshauptstadt und die Verfolgung der Berliner Juden 1933–1945, in: Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin. Essays und Studien, ed. Reinhard Rürup, Berlin 1995, pp. 229–266. 13 the Jewish residents were enacted. For that reason, this chronology describes both the speciic Berlin actions and – in italics – the most important central government decrees and regulations. he aim is to make more clear the linkages with the national policy, or indeed the independence of measures in Berlin from that policy complex. At the same time, another aim is to shed historiographic light on the large variety of diferent individuals and institutions responsible for anti-Jewish policy from 1933 on. hus, in Berlin it was neither the NSDAP Gauleiter and propaganda minister nor the Gestapo that authorized most measures. Rather, that role was played in particular by the Staatskommissar (State Commissioner) and later Lord Mayor of Berlin, Dr. Julius Lippert, Lord Mayor Dr. Heinrich Sahm, and their successor from 1940, Ludwig Steeg. Anti-Jewish propaganda and violence, February–March 1933 In 1933, Berlin’s population was something over 4.2 million residents, of whom some 160,000 were of the Jewish faith.12 hey comprised 3.78 percent of the Berlin population, though with difering concentrations across the individual Berlin municipal districts.13 In Wilmersdorf, for example, 13.5 percent of the residents were Jewish, while in Spandau the corresponding igure was just 0.49 percent (see the table in the appendix). A third of German Jewry lived in the capital of the hird Reich. Like elsewhere in German cities, violence there also dominated the picture in the early weeks ater the Nazi ascension to state power.14 he wave of arbitrary arrests of opponents of the National Socialists was directed in particular at politically active Jewish Germans. Concurrent with a massive anti-Jewish propaganda campaign in the press and on the street, the SA also engaged in raids in the Scheunenviertel (Barn Quarter) in Berlin-Mitte, where most of the Jewish residents were orthodox Jews, many from Eastern Europe. Jews were beaten up, robbed or dragged of to SA oices or to the irst so-called “wild,” i.e. unoicial concentration camps. his early violence likewise targeted Jewish Germans employed in public institutions as well as Jewish institutions and organizations. Ater the Reichstag, the German parliament, election of 5 March 1933 and the Prussian municipal elections of 12 March, in which the Nazis and the German National People’s Party (Deutschnationale Volkspartei, DNVP) – also due to the wave of terror – 12 Statistik des Deutschen Reichs, Vol. 451. Volks-, Berufs- und Betriebszählung vom 16. Juni 1933. Volkszählung. Die Bevölkerung des Deutschen Reichs nach den Ergebnissen der Volkszählung 1933, No. 5: Die Glaubensjuden im Deutschen Reich, ed. Statistisches Reichsamt, Berlin 1936, pp. 13–14. 13 Only in Berlin and Frankfurt/M. did Jews comprise some four percent of the population; in other large cities, their proportion was in the range of one percent. Ibid. 14 Data which refer to the entries in the chronology are not given extra supporting references in the Introduction. 14 won a majority of the votes, on 13 March Dr. Julius Lippert15 was appointed, in Goebbels’ words, “Commissioner over Berlin” (Kommissar über Berlin).16 Lippert, a former SA leader, editor of the Nazi periodical Der Angrif and head of the NSDAP group in the Municipal Parliament, was appointed to serve side by side with the German nationalist Lord Mayor Dr. Heinrich Sahm, incumbent since 1931. Lippert did not seek to conceal his views; he immediately embarked on measures against Jewish physicians and lawyers in municipal positions. Quickly Lippert mustered support for these anti-Jewish measures within and beyond the municipal administration. Only two days ater Lippert’s appointment, Dr. Heinrich Hunke, a Reichstag deputy and head of the National Socialist Fighting Alliance for the Industrial Middle Classes (Kampbund für den gewerblichen Mittelstand) in the Gau Groß-Berlin (district Greater Berlin), and later a high-ranking oicial in the Reich Propaganda Ministry, called on Lippert to take action against the director of the municipal market halls.17 One day prior to that, Director Morawski had blocked the mounting of two huge signs in the central market hall with the message: “Germans, buy only from Germans.” His resistance enraged members of the Fighting Alliance.18 It was not Lippert but Lord Mayor Sahm who in rapid response dismissed Morawski from his position. He ordered Morawski’s former deputy Trockels to “eliminate all Marxist and other incompetents from the administration of the market halls, in accordance with existing ordinances.”19 A short time later State Commissioner Lippert himself denounced a irm, informing the mayor that it was Jewish and enjoyed a monopoly on printing jobs from the municipality. Sahm was told to distribute the printing contracts to several “German” irms.20 hat was not enough for Lippert. hree days before the April 1, 1933 boycott, 15 Lippert was appointed State Commissioner for the Reich Capital on this day. From December 1933, his oice was directly subordinated to the Prussian prime minister as a central government inspectorate or supervisory body for municipal afairs; Bundesarchiv (BA) Berlin, Berlin Document Center [BDC]), SA: Julius Lippert. On Lippert’s biography, though without taking his role in anti-Jewish policy into account, see Oleschinski, Brigitte, Julius Lippert, in: Ribbe, Wolfgang (ed.), Stadtoberhäupter. Biographien Berliner Bürgermeister im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Berlin 1992, pp. 261–276. 16 Goebbels, Joseph, Die Tagebücher des Joseph Goebbels. Sämtliche Fragmente, ed. Elke Fröhlich im Auftrag des Instituts für Zeitgeschichte und mit Unterstützung des Staatlichen Archivdienstes Rußlands, Teil I: Aufzeichnungen 1924–1941, Vol. 2, Munich 1987, p. 146, entry for 14 March 1933. (Entries in Goebbel’s diaries always refer to the previous day’s events, W.G.). 17 Landesarchiv (LA) Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057 City president Berlin, No. 1882, fol. 6: letter, 15 March 1933. 18 Ibid., fol. 7: letter from NSDAP Kampbund für den gewerblichen Mittelstand, Kreis 5, Berlin NO 43, to Kampbund für den gewerblichen Mittelstand Groß-Berlin, Propagandaleitung, 14 March 1933. hat same day Circle 5 of the Fighting Alliance in Berlin also denounced Morawski. hey alleged he had distributed food ater World War I to the Jews; ibid., fol. 8. 19 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1882, fol. 10: Decree, Sahm, 27 March 1933. Lippert later wished to institute a disciplinary proceeding against Morawski aimed at getting him dismissed from the municipal administration; ibid., fol. 14: memo, 6 May 1933. 20 Ibid., No. 1739, fol. 1: Letter, Staatskommissar zur besonderen Verwendung, Dr. Lippert, to Oberbürgermeister, 22 March 1933. 15 he wrote to the irm W. Löwenthal & Co., telling them that the irm itself had to request a limitation on its printing job contracts, which were secured until 1934, “in order to avoid further ramiications.” Otherwise he would take severe measures through the special powers granted him by the Reich Interior Ministry.21 But mayor Sahm had by that time already stripped the irm of the contracts.22 In the meantime, however, not only the printing industry was under ire. On 25 March 1933, members of the Fighting Alliance for the Industrial Middle Classes, Professional Group Food Trade, in a discussion with the Berlin Procurement Oice, issued a demand to the State Commissioner, who was entrusted with the management of the mayor’s afairs: the municipality was now only to be permitted to “authorize suppliers who were in support of the national revolution.” Dr. Oskar Maretzky, also member of the German National People’s Party (DNVP) and later Sahm’s successor as acting mayor (1935–1937), agreed to cancel the contracts, some of which were valid until September 1933, though it was necessary in this connection to heed commitments under civil law. he claimants demanded that in future in all categories of commodities, 80 percent of the suppliers engaged should be NSDAP members, and 20 percent from the DNVP.23 A short time later, on 29 March, the municipality correspondingly informed all its oices and agencies. At the same time, Berlin courts dismissed Jewish legal personnel, and the irst associations removed Jews from their executive boards. The anti-Jewish boycott operation and its consequences (April 1933 to the end of 1934) he string of persecutions in the irst two months, both by the SA and the municipalities, provoked a mounting wave of international criticism. Hitler capitalized on that as a pretext for a nationwide anti-Jewish initiative. he leadership of the NSDAP called for a boycott of “Jewish” shops, department stores, lawyers’ and physicians oices on 1 April 1933, to “counter the atrocity propaganda” from abroad.24 Already on the eve of the boycott, a “large crowd” (according to other sources, a SA gang) demanding the “dismissal of the Jewish judges” stormed the District Court (Amtsgericht) Berlin-Mitte and the Berlin State Court (Landgericht). It tried to expel judges and lawyers working there.25 he Main Health Oice assured the mayor that on the following day, “a SA man would be standing in front of every social welfare 21 22 23 24 Ibid., fol. 2: Decree, to Firm Löwenthal (n.d., 30 March 1933). Ibid., fol. 2: Handwritten note, 29 March 1933, on directive to Firm Löwenthal. Ibid., fol. 7: Discussion, oice of Staatskommissar Bürgermeister Maretzky, 25 March 1933. Völkischer Beobachter (VB), North German edition, 30 March 1933; see Der gelbe Fleck. Die Ausrottung von 500 000 deutschen Juden, mit einem Vorwort von Lion Feuchtwanger, Paris 1936, p. 25. 25 Quoted in Acht-Uhr-Abendblatt, 31 March 1933; Leich, S.Hanna/Lundt, André, Zur Ausschaltung jüdischer Rechtsanwälte 1933–1938 – am Beispiel Berlins, in: Recht und Politik 24 (1988), No. 4, pp. 221–222. 16 doctor’s oice,” guaranteeing the “boycott of German Jewry.”26 he Berlin municipality now cancelled the contracts of “non-Aryan” public service physicians, placed Jewish teachers on oicial leave and halted placing adverts in the supposedly “Jewish” press. On 1 April, the “boycott of the Jews” took place across the Reich. he Party daily Völkischer Beobachter reported that in the morning, SA and SS units had driven in trucks through the main streets, pasting propaganda posters to house walls and advertising pillars. Guard details did not only position themselves out in front of businesses owned by Jewish proprietors; they were in evidence wherever “Jewish lawyers or notaries public, real estate agents or doctors, agents or representatives are located.”27 he London Times reported that the German population had largely behaved passively in the face of the extraordinary boycott scenes. While active anti-Semitism was rare among the greater mass of citizens, many would feel nonetheless a sense of repugnance.28 In the following days, those who had been afected by the Boycott Day discussed the one fundamental question of the hour together with family, friends and acquaintances: should we stay or leave? he student Heinrich Marx expressed the view that to leave was only meaningful “if a person had the genuine option for creating a new life for himself abroad without having to depend on ever [having] again to return to this country [under] this regime. Everything has to be thought through carefully.” At the same time, Marx felt the “implementation of the boycott was the most depressing experience I ever have had to endure in my entire life.”29 Ater the one-day action, the National Socialist leadership changed the strategy. he anti-Jewish “small-scale war,” that up to then had oten been waged arbitrarily by the most diverse authorities and agencies, utilizing a huge array of diferent means, was diicult to bring under a central control. In order to take some of the sting out of negative reactions abroad, in early April 1933, high-ranking oicials in Berlin in various institutions, among them the Berlin State Commissioner, put together a national drat law, apparently at the orders of Rudolf Heß, aimed at “cleansing the German people.” his law for Jews was designed to anchor, in a “legal manner,” the mechanism to disqualify Jews from exercising a profession in state administration and 26 Cited in LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fol. 64RS: drat of a letter by Lord Mayor, 4 January 1934. 27 VB (North German edition), 2/3 April 1933. 28 he Times, No. 46409, 3 April 1933, p. 14. he document translated into German is reproduced in Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden durch das nationalsozialistische Deutschland 1933–1945, eds. Götz Aly et al. [VEJ], Vol. 1: Deutsches Reich 1933 bis 1937, comp. by Wolf Gruner, Munich 2008, Doc. 22, pp. 110–112. 29 Entry of 5 April 1933 in Marx, Heinrich, Tagebuch II: 9. März 1933 bis November 1934, reproduced in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 26, pp. 120–121. Heinrich – later Henry – Marx (1911–1994), journalist, emigrated in 1937 to the U.S., where from 1937 to 1969 he served as editor of the New Yorker Staats-Zeitung and the Herold, and from 1985 to 1994 was editor-in-chief of the Jewish weekly Aubau. 17 the spheres of inance, culture and education, to prohibit marriage and extra-marital sexual intercourse between Jews and non-Jews, and to annul the naturalization of Jews. German Jews were even to be marked by a “J” ater their name, and recorded in a so-called Judenregister, а “Registry of Jews.” they would also be forced to become a member in a state-controlled Verband der Juden in Deutschland (Association of the Jews in Germany).30 Hitler, who opposed such an extensive law on Jews at this juncture, did however legalize the exclusion of Jewish civil servants and government workers already ongoing in Berlin and other cities when on 7 April 1933 he signed the Law on the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service (Gesetz zur Wiederherstellung des Berufsbeamtentums). Parallel with these administrative initiatives, violence continued to rage on the streets of the capital. Accompanied by staf journalists from the Völkischer Beobachter and the radio, police, SS and SA storm troopers raided homes in the Scheunenviertel, arbitrarily arresting Jews there.31 As a result of the terror, administrative measures, political operations and a widespread conformity in the population, soon there would be hardly any voices and forces within and outside the administration that opposed the National Socialist regime and the direction its rule was taking. In the following months, the municipal administrations became even more committed to discriminating against Jews by means and measures they initiated. Berlin introduced certain business and professional restrictions, and as a consequence thousands lost their jobs and source of income. Along with civil servants, now teachers, physicians, lawyers and judges were dismissed from municipal institutions in a far more consistent and brutal manner than the initial laws had stipulated. Now the “Aryan Clause” (Arierparagraph) was deemed operative not just for applicants but also their suppliers when it came to public tenders issued by the municipalities. Berlin cancelled subsidies for Jewish institutions and halted rentals to Jewish organizations. Already on the day ater the nation-wide boycott campaign, the Berlin Jewish Community (Jüdische Gemeinde) increased available funds for the Department of Schools, the Jewish economic Relief and the Jewish Welfare Oice by a total of RM 120,000 in order to ameliorate the consequences of the attacks.32 On 3 May 1933, representatives authorized Heinrich Stahl, who shortly thereater was elected chair of the executive board,33 to formally protest against all measures taken by the municipality, which were 30 Drat law with introduction in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 27, pp. 121–129; see also Adam, Uwe-Dietrich, Judenpolitik im Dritten Reich, Düsseldorf 1972, pp. 33–38. 31 Helas, Horst, Die Razzia am 4. April 1933, in: Das Scheunenviertel. Spuren eines verlorenen Lebens, ed. Verein Stitung Scheunenviertel e.V., Berlin 1994, pp. 135–136. 32 Leo Baeck Institute (LBI)/Archive New York, Gemeinde Berlin Coll., Box 1, no fols.: Minutes of the meeting, Jewish Community Executive Board, 2 April 1933, p. 1. I am grateful to Stefanie Schüler-Springorum, Berlin, for the reference to this protocol and other Berlin documents. 33 Chairman since 23 May 1933; see Simon, Hermann, Heinrich Stahl. Vortrag, gehalten zur Gedenkfeier der Jüdischen Gemeinde zu Berlin am 22. April 1993, Berlin 1993, p. 15. 18 not covered by any legislation.34 Referring to the historical role of Jewish citizens in the “prosperity of the city of Berlin,” on 29 May Stahl forwarded State Commissioner Lippert the long list of discriminatory ordinances, requesting that he rescind these regulations.35 In the meantime, on the basis of a new national law, the majority of Jewish students had been banned from the University of Berlin.36 he folkish-nationalist and National Socialist students now organized “campaigns against the un-German spirit.” hey prevented lectures by Jewish faculty members, stormed the Institute for Sexology of Magnus Hirschfeld and proceeded to “cleanse” public and private libraries. On 10 May, across from the University of Berlin, the central event of the widespread organized book burnings took place, at which Reich propaganda minister and NSDAP Gauleiter Goebbels delivered the main address. Two months later, in July 1933, Hitler declared the oicial end of the “national revolution” and its consolidation. But that did not put an end to the discrimination of Jewish residents in Berlin. Doctors were arrested and the permits for market stands were cancelled by the municipality or the municipal district authorities. he dismissals aggravated the social problems the Jewish population faced which sprang from the global economic depression. While persons engaged in trade and commerce oten still had a limited livelihood in this phase, more than a third of Jewish white-collar oice personnel, and almost half of Jewish factory workers, remained jobless.37 he Berlin Jewish Community in 1933 provided social welfare to more than 19,000 persons, and 21,000 additionally received so-called winter relief. he Jewish employment oices tried to assist the 12,000 jobless registered with them to ind work in Jewish irms, institutions and facilities.38 he number of Jewish elementary schools had doubled since January 1933, rising to six. While the number of Jewish children enrolled in public schools plummeted until 1934, dropping from 12,746 to some 8,000, the number of pupils at Jewish schools surged from 2,000 to 4,000. Meanwhile, many pupils had emigrated together with 34 LBI/Archive New York, Gemeinde Berlin Coll., Box 1, no fols.: meeting, Jewish Community Executive Board, 3 May 1933, p. 4. 35 LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fol. 21: letter, 29 May 1933. 36 Jarausch, Vertreibung, pp. 112–133; and on the Berlin university: Bruch, Rüdiger von/Jahr, Christoph (eds.), Die Berliner Universität in der NS-Zeit, 2 vols., Stuttgart 2005. In 1932, there were almost 4,000 Jewish students studying at German universities; by the summer of 1934, that igure had plummeted to only 656; Grüttner, Michael/Kinas, Sven, Die Vertreibung von Wissenschatlern aus den deutschen Universitäten, in: Vierteljahrshete für Zeitgeschichte 55 (2007), p. 126. 37 In Berlin, of 32,880 Jewish white-collar workers, 11,420 were jobless. Of 10,018 factory workers, 4,954 were unemployed; of 53,628 independently employed in trade, only 22 were without work. he June 1933 census in Germany listed 33,661 Jews as unemployed; Yad Vashem (YV) Jerusalem, 08/No. 17, no fols.: memo, p. 8. 38 In March 1934 alone there were 1,100 job placements; Die Gemeinde rut. Der Vorstand der Jüdischen Gemeinde zu Berlin, Berlin 1934, pp. 8–12, 16. See also Gruner, Reichshauptstadt, p. 232. 19 their parents.39 he irst Jewish Cultural League of Germany (Jüdischer Kulturbund Deutschlands) was established in the summer of 1933 in Berlin, with 12,500 members.40 he forced separation and segregation thus led to a new orientation and even a temporary lowering of speciically Jewish institutions and facilities. he Reichsvertretung der Deutschen Juden (Reich Representation of the German Jews), established in September 1933, under Rabbi Leo Baeck as an umbrella organization for the Jewish Communities and organizations, the Central-Verein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens (Central Association of German Citizens of the Jewish Faith) and individual Jewish Communities repeatedly tried to defend themselves against the daily onslaught of discrimination. hey turned to ministries, municipalities, the national government or Hitler, oten without any success. Ater the State Commissioner has ignored the complaint iled in May, in mid-June the Jewish Community sent it to the Prime Minister of the state of Prussia, Hermann Göring, supplemented by an enumeration of new anti-Jewish measures.41 When Göring referred the complaint back to the municipality, all oices and agencies there rejected any responsibility.42 Also individuals who had been afected by anti-Jewish measures iled complaints, some even jointly, as relected in a letter by several textile irm owners sent to Lippert on 20 January 1934.43 At the same time, Berlin intensiied restrictions for Jews. In the sphere of education, the municipality in 1934 cancelled the reduced rate in school fees for Jewish children, and prohibited teachers who had married Jews since the past year from working in the Berlin schools. Jewish children were no longer permitted to attend municipal and private “Aryan” kindergartens. But since there were no central government regulations in force, in some cases diferent views inside the municipal administration existed on just what course should be pursued. hus, in March 1934, it was speciically State Commissioner Lippert who sought to halt eforts by the municipal health insurance institute to exclude even “Aryan doctors with Jewish spouses.” Evidently he had misgivings based on legal reasons. At the same time, Lippert also complained to Lord Mayor Sahm about the latter’s prohibition of textile trade at municipal markets, 39 Die Gemeinde rut, p. 8; Gruner, Reichshauptstadt, p. 257, Table 2. 40 It was headed by the physician and musicologist Kurt Singer, its honorary presidium included Leo Baeck and Max Liebermann; Geisel, Eike/Broder, Henryk M., Premiere und Pogrom. Der jüdische Kulturbund 1933–1941. Texte und Bilder, Berlin 1992. 41 LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fol. 20: letter with annex, 13 June 1933; likewise ibid., fols. 24–29: letter, 29 June 1933. 42 he matter was laid ad acta in April 1935; LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fol. 19: letter, Surén (Reich Interior Ministry), 22 July 1933; ibid., fols. 62–65: drat, letter by Lord Mayor to Administrative President of the Province, 4 January 1934; ibid., fol. 65RS: Decree, Lord Mayor, 5 October 1934 and handwritten note regarding this, 12 April 1935. 43 See facsimile in Berliner Geschichtswerkstatt (ed.), Am Wedding haben sie gelebt. Lebenswege jüdischer Bürgerinnen und Bürger, Berlin 1998, pp. 18–19. 20 issued in December 1933. Lippert’s argument here was that this ban not only afected 850 Jewish and foreigners dealers, but also threatened 1,300 “Aryan” businesses. Yet Lippert emphasized that naturally he wished to “promote any measure” designed to “remove Jewish textile merchants from the municipal weekly markets.”44 So, the two did not disagree about the illegal exclusion, but only about the choice of means to achieve it. Moreover, municipalities such as Berlin did not take action isolated or without rear cover. hey received that backing in particular from the German Council of Municipalities (Deutscher Gemeindetag). For example, in the autumn of 1934, the Berlin Municipal Transport Oice wished to learn whether or not advertising by a “nonAryan irm had to be permitted in the transport facilities operated by the Berlin Transportation Authority.” he German Council of Municipalities told Berlin that advertisements could be rejected only on the basis of uniform principles pertaining to their content, form or origin. If adverts by non-Aryan irms were prohibited as a matter of principle, then such advertising could be rejected. But in that event, they added, there could be “no advertising for the irms Leiser or Garbaty either.”45 he German Council of Municipalities, which all municipalities had to be a member of, had been established in May 1933 by the Reich-wide Gleichschaltung (compulsory reorienting of all spheres to Nazi ideology) of several national associations of local governments. Karl Fiehler, the mayor of Munich, was appointed executive and Herbert Tref, mayor of Berlin-Steglitz, was appointed as his deputy. Lippert, as State Commissioner for Berlin, headed the Prussian Council of Municipalities, one of the regional branches of the national organization.46 he German Council of Municipalities was in future to play a very active role in anti-Jewish policy. Its main oice in Berlin organized discussions on local initiatives, distributed information on their results and supported various individual plans in contact with Reich agencies.47 44 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1883, fols. 87–90RS: letter, Lippert to Lord Mayor, 12 April 1934; ibid.: memo (Krök), 10 April 1934. 45 LA Berlin, Rep. 142/7, 4-1-5/No. 22, no fols.: GCM/Dept. IV (by order of Schlempp) to Councilor Engel, 26 October 1934. he Garbaty Cigarette Company was Jewish-owned, and one of the biggest in Europe. Leiser Shoes was also a large Jewish irm, with 22 outlet stores in Berlin. 46 Reichsgesetzblatt (RGBl.), 1933 I, p. 1065; LA Berlin, B Rep. 142/7, 0–1–10/No. 1, no fols.: „Der Deutsche Gemeindetag“ (Schlempp, 1. 7. 1941), p. 3; BA Berlin, BDC, O. 850, fols. 5–10, 15: Report, Senior Directorate, NSDAP Party Organization/Dept. for Municipal Policy, to Organizational Oice (September 1933); see ibid., fols. 20–21: Senior Directorate, NSDAP Party Organization/Dept. for Municipal Policy, to Senior Directorate, NSDAP Party Organization/Organizational Oice, 28 August 1933. Since Tref was at the same time head of the Dept. for Municipal Policy of the NSDAP, he had to step down later from his municipal oice as a Party representative in keeping with the German Regulations on Municipalities (Deutsche Gemeindeordnung) of 1935; ibid., Party correspondence: Jeserich, Kurt, 5 February 1904, no fols.: conidential memo, autumn 1938, p. 4. 47 On this in detail, see Gruner, NS-Judenverfolgung und die Kommunen, pp. 75–126; idem, Local Initiatives, pp. 269–294; idem, Kommunen im Nationalsozialismus, pp. 167–212. 21 Along with municipal restrictions, the Jews in Berlin were confronted with many other forms of discrimination: associations excluded Jewish members, the SA storm troopers repeatedly attacked individual Jewish facilities, or assaulted Jewish customers in private bars and restaurants. At the end of May 1934, the Berlin oice of the Reich Emigration Agency was besieged by a surge in Jews seeking advice. he advisory oice in Berlin sought to account for this wave of individuals in part by pointing to a speech on 11 May 1934 in the Berlin Sports Palace48 by Goebbels. here he had criticized the continuing economic boycott directed against Germany from abroad, and threatened to take vengeance against the German Jews because of this.49 Down to the end of 1934, more than 22,000 Berlin Jews emigrated. Various countries were still prepared to admit refugees. Parents sent their children on ahead. Families then brought in their relatives, friends helped their acquaintances emigrate. he chief preferred destinations were Palestine, South Africa and North America. However, only 9,000 Jews emigrated in 1934, a clear decline contrasting with 13,000 the year before (see the table in the appendix). he cause was probably not, as had oten been assumed earlier, a decline in the intensity of persecution, because at the local level it was still an open throttle: in two years, the municipality of Berlin had introduced more than 55 anti-Jewish regulations. On top of this, there were ordinances and injunctions from the chief of police, the courts and the chambers of commerce. But many who wished to lee simply no longer had the necessary funds to emigrate. New laws and measures of discrimination (January 1935 to the summer of 1937) Ater the German victory in the referendum on the reintegration of the Saar territory in January 1935, fresh violence erupted in several regions to spur the expulsion of the Jews. In Berlin, new violent attacks occurred in June in several districts. Egged on by the Völkischer Beobachter, these street actions reached a high point ater the showing of the anti-Semitic feature ilm Pettersson & Bendel, exploding in pogrom-like assaults against Jews on the Kurfürstendamm. For example, on the morning of 15 July 1935, 20 passers-by gathered at Hohenzollerndamm 11 in front of the ice cream parlor owned by Abraham Klebanof, a stateless Jew. he pavement, sidewalk and store windows had been defaced with slogans by persons unknown: “Moscow Jews! his is a warning! Foreign Jew!” hese were then removed by the proprietor and the Wilmersdorf Municipal District Oice.50 hat same evening, a crowd of up to 500 gathered to demonstrate, whereupon the police moved in to clear the street several times.51 48 Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, StK 6266, no fols.: Report, Reich Emigration Agency Berlin, 29 August 1934; reproduced in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 133, pp. 367–368. 49 Reproduction of the Goebbels speech of 11 May 1934 in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 117, p. 338. 50 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 030, Tit. 95, No. 21617, Vol. 2, fol. 197: Police, Berlin Wilmersdorf, report to Gestapo, 15 July 1935. 51 Ibid., fol. 198: Report, 16 July 1935. 22 hree days later there was another rally in front of the same ice cream shop. Police attack squads twice dispersed the crowd of 300 to 400 persons. Around midnight, the storefront window was smashed by a stone. he perpetrators escaped unidentiied.52 he National Socialist leadership made use of the volatile situation to appoint the SA General Graf Helldorf53 as new police chief of Berlin, so-called Polizeipräsident. Helldorf, who was a close associate of Goebbels and had had a direct hand in the anti-Jewish riot in 1931 on the Kurfürstendamm, would soon emerge as a major igure behind the persecution of the Jews in Berlin. One of his irst oicial acts on 20 July was to order a designated closing time of 7 p.m. for Jewish ice cream shops in order to prevent anti-Jewish demonstrations, as was demagogically reported by the Völkischer Beobachter.54 He did not prohibit the snowballing attacks on Jews then spreading in Berlin until a full week later.55 It is a little known fact that Berlin Jews did not simply react passively to these attacks but rather took steps openly against them. On 9 August 1935, the Nazi party local branch Oliva asked the police to arrest Georg Cohn, his wife and daughter and to hand them over to the Gestapo, because it alleged they had urged customers and passers-by to boycott the shops of those Party members who had been behind the arrests of Jews.56 Just in the month of July, the Berlin police had arrested 100 Jews on charges of insulting the state and the Party and engaging in acts of “race deilement” (“Rassenschande”). hat was four times as many arrests as in the previous month. Rosalie Mielzynski was arrested and sent to a concentration camp for her statement in public: “because the German state can’t go on, now the Jews are the ones who have to sufer.”57 In the shadow of this violence, the municipality issued restrictions for public welfare: Berlin and Königsberg undertook an initiative in the German Council of Municipalities to reduce municipal expenditures for welfare at the expense of the Jewish poor. he welfare oices were to quarter needy Jews who had arrived in the city in the Municipal Shelter for the Homeless.58 52 Ibid., fol. 201: Report 19 July 1935. 53 Graf von Helldorf, Wolf-Heinrich, born 1896 in Merseburg, light cavalry oicer in World War I, ater participation in the Freikorps and Kapp coup attempts, exile in Italy until 1924, joins NSDAP in 1926, 1933–1935 police chief in Potsdam, from 1935 in Berlin, August 1944 exеcution in connection with the assassination plot against Hitler of 20 July 1944. 54 Helldorf was sworn in as Police President on 19 July 1935; see report in Der Gelbe Fleck, pp. 54–55. On measures against the ice cream parlors, see VB (North German edition), 21 July 1935. 55 VB (North German edition), 28 July 1935; see report in Der Gelbe Fleck, pp. 54–55. 56 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 030, Tit. 95, No. 21617, Vol. 2, fol. 241. 57 Kulka, Otto Dov/Jäckel, Eberhard (eds.), Die Juden in den geheimen NS-Stimmungsberichten 1933–1945, Düsseldorf 2004, CD-No. 1004: Gestapo, state police district Berlin, report for July 1935, (n.d.); see also translation of excerpts from this July 1935 report in Kulka/Jäckel (eds.), he Jews in the Secret Nazi Reports on Popular Opinion in Germany, 1933–1945, Chicago 2010, pp. 137–139. 58 Adam, Judenpolitik, pp. 191–192. See on this in detail Gruner, Öfentliche Wohlfahrt, pp. 69–74. 23 Because of the recent violent attacks, on 19 July the new police chief Helldorf, State Commissioner Lippert, SA General Uhland and Gauleiter Goebbels and his deputy Görlitzer decided on a plan for regular cooperation.59 Eleven days later, representatives of the Gau leadership, Gestapo, police and SA met at the oice of Lord Mayor Sahm, in order to “efectively implement action in the struggle against the Jews in Berlin without public demonstrations and violent acts by individuals.” he participants decided inter alia on strict sanctions for shops of Jewish proprietors, the marking of which the National Socialist Organization for Commerce and Trade should encourage the central government to authorize.60 During this phase, the municipality and the Nazi party attempted to separate the non-Jewish Berliners from the Jewish population by means of administrative authority, social pressure and economic coercion. In order to implement this separation systematically throughout the Reich, in August 1935 the Main Oice of the Secret State Police (Geheimes Staatspolizeiamt, Gestapa), which here for the irst time became involved in the central planning of policy on the Jews, decided to establish a “card catalogue registry for Jews.”61 At the same time, it intensiied monitoring of what was happening in the Jewish Communities. With Lippert’s assistance, Reinhard Heydrich, the head of the Gestapa, managed to arrange that the Berlin executive committee of the Jewish Community be reduced from 12 to 7 members, and made use of this to remove unwelcome functionaries.62 In September 1935, the Nazi state made the separation of the Jewish from the non-Jewish population a matter of law with the passing of the so-called Nuremberg Race Laws. he National Socialist state assigned the German Jews a lower status as citizens, prohibited marriage and sexual relations between Jews and non-Jews, and also restricted the hiring of “Aryan” domestic help in Jewish households.63 A new deinition of who was a “Jew” demarcated the circle of those targeted and created the legal foundation for new measures.64 Now even the Jews who previously had been protected by exemption clauses were dismissed from their work in public facilities and institutions.65 59 See Der Angrif, 20 July 1935; Longerich, Peter, Politik der Vernichtung. Eine Gesamtdarstellung der nationalsozialistischen Judenverfolgung, Munich 1998, p. 88. (Updated English translation: Holocaust: he Nazi Persecution and Murder of the Jews, Oxford 2010). 60 Letter, Gestapa (II 1 B 2 – J 895/35) to Heydrich, 31 July 1935; reproduced in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 183, pp. 462–464. 61 Pätzold, Kurt (ed.), Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung. Dokumente des faschistischen Antisemitismus 1933–1942, Leipzig 1983, Doc. 60, pp. 100–101: Gestapa Decree, 17 August 1935. See also Central Archives for the History of the Jewish People Jerusalem, KGez/No. 140, no fols.: circular letter, Verein für jüdische Krankenplegerinnen Berlin, 26 September 1935. On the general planning process, see Gruner, NS-Judenverfolgung und die Kommunen. 62 See LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1704 (formerly at BLHA Potsdam, Pr.Br.Rep. 60, No. 471), fols. 29–42; Gruner, Reichshauptstadt, p. 234. 63 RGBl., 1935 I, pp. 1146–1147. 64 1st Implementation Ordinance to Reich Citizenship Law, 14 November 1935; RGBl., 1935 I, p. 1333. 65 2nd Implementation Ordinance to Reich Citizenship Law, 21 December 1935; RGBl., 1935 I, p. 1524. 24 he Reich capital already took even more radical steps. In January 1936, the Lord Mayor was of the view that until new regulations were issued in accordance with the “Reich Citizenship Law” (Reichsbürgergesetz), it would “be necessary to forego measures against Jewish workers and Jewish staf in administrative oices.” Despite this, the district mayors across Berlin decided that since it was “a matter of the fundamental question of employing persons of a diferent race in municipal administration,” they would dismiss all Jews still employed in the Berlin district administrations.66 he prohibition on marriage in the Nuremberg laws only intensiied an already existing development in Berlin, because the annual number of marriages between Jews and non-Jews there had declined since 1933 by almost 50 percent.67 However, the Berlin state police (Landespolizei) reported in January 1936 that “implementation of the Law on the Protection of Blood [Blutschutzgesetz] had had a negative impact on the public mood since the number of domestic servants who had lost their jobs” had been quite substantial. It was reported that Jewish families had submitted 3,700 requests for an exemption. he police noted that the signiicance of the new measures had oten not been properly understood. In October 1935, 42 Jews had been arrested in Berlin charged with “race deilement” or harboring “subversive views against the state.” For November that igure was 57 arrested, in December 36, jumping in January 1936 to 73 arrests. Among these 208 arrests from October through January, 61 cases involved “race deilement,” while 141 cases involved “hostility to the state.”68 Encouraged and inspired by the Nuremberg laws, the municipality expanded its anti-Jewish policies. he Public Works Administration announced at the end of September 1935 that it would rename all Berlin streets whose current name had anything to do with Jews.69 Municipal building societies began to discuss terminating leases with their Jewish tenants. When the State Commissioner endorsed that idea, several building societies terminated rental contracts efective 1 January 1936 on the grounds of “not being an Aryan.” Already in early September 1935, the municipal stockyards had cancelled the leases for commercial space with the last two livestock irms owned by Jews, efective 31 December 1935.70 he irms Sally Schieren and Louis Rosenberg, which had used their oice space for 10 and 24 years respectively, vehemently protested this discrimination.71 Since 66 LA Berlin, B Rep. 208 Spandau, Acc. 1822, No. 9412, fol. 183: transcript of discussion, 14 January 1936. 67 See Gruner, Reichshauptstadt, p. 257, Table. 68 So-called “staatsfeindliche” Vorfälle. Kulka/Jäckel, Die Juden, CD-No. 1596: Report Gestapo, state police district Berlin for January 1936 (n.d.); see also Kulka/Jäckel, he Jews, pp. 190–191. 69 Fitterling, Dieter, NS-Rassenpolitik, Antisemitismus und Straßenbenennungen, in: „Straßenname dauert noch länger als Denkmal.“ Die Benennung von Straßen in Berlin-Steglitz 1933–1948, ed. Kulturamt Steglitz/ Arbeitskreis „Nationalsozialismus in Steglitz“, Berlin 1999, p. 43. 70 LA Berlin, A Rep. 258, Municipal Stockyards, No. 69, no fols. 71 Ibid.: S. Schieren Cattle Agents to Director’s Oice, Municipal Stockyards, Berlin, 27 September 1935; and ibid.: Louis Rosenberg, Inh. Marie, Ruth and Rolf Rosenberg to Director’s Oice, Berlin, 28 September 1935. 25 the court complaint to vacate which Director Lorenz sought had little promise of success, and the exclusion of these irms would involve future economic loss to the stockyards, because they always guaranteed a large quantity of livestock, they ultimately convinced the two irms to voluntarily limit their oice and work space.72 Councillor Schlicht opposed the idea of vacating the space, but he was also against retracting the cancellation of the leases, the only declared reason for which was the fact that the dealers were Jews. He signalled to the stockyard that if there any violations would happen that provided an opportunity to remove them, that option should be utilized.73 A police report in Berlin at the beginning of 1936 noted that thanks to “propaganda work, the exclusion of the Jews from economic life was making ever greater headway.” he Jewish dealers had been almost completely ousted from the municipal stockyards, and from the market for eggs, poultry and wild game.74 In the course of the year, administrative orders in Berlin forced many shops for eggs, butter, meat and sausage to close, along with art shops. In 1936, the local and national anti-Jewish policies merged in several individual areas. hus, the Reich Oice for Food Supply forced more than 2,000 food traders into liquidation, including 50 grain companies just in Berlin alone. In the autumn, the Reich Chamber of Culture issued a threat to art dealers in Berlin that Jews would soon be prohibited from dealing in art objects.75 he process of exclusion was also intensiied in the sphere of education. During the academic year 1936/37, a regulation adopted for the Adult Evening College (Volkshochschule) of Greater Berlin stipulated that only “Aryans” were permitted to enrol for courses. he director of the Volkshochschule, municipal school inspector Hans Meinshausen, ofered in the meantime regularly courses on “racial science” at the College.76 he Berlin election oices now put all Jews together in a special list to prepare for future policy purposes, quite apart from the planned national card catalogue of Jews at the Gestapo.77 In May 1937, the head of police supplemented the ban on contacts 72 Ibid.: memo, administrative oice, Municipal Stockyards, 19 December 1935. 73 Ibid.: handwritten memo by Schlicht dated 25 October 1935 on memo by Degner, 21 October 1935. Following the recommendation of the city council, on 15 August 1936 the market representative prohibited the irm Schieren to engage in “any further business activity in the central cattle market” due to several violations of the market regulations; ibid.: Firm Schieren to Inspector’s Oice, Central Stockyards, 3 August 1936. 74 Kulka/Jäckel, Die Juden, CD-No. 1596: Gestapo, state police district Berlin for January 1936 (n.d.); see also Kulka/Jäckel, he Jews, pp. 190–191. 75 For anti-Jewish policies in these sectors see Kreutzmüller, Christoph, Ausverkauf. Jüdische Gewerbebetriebe in Berlin 1930–1945, Berlin 2012; Fischer-Defoy, Christine/Nürnberg, Kaspar (eds.), Gute Geschäte. Kunsthandel in Berlin 1933–1945, Berlin 2011. 76 LA Berlin, A Rep. 021, No. 8, Vol. 2, no fols.: Volkshochschule Groß-Berlin, Mitteilungsblatt No. 1, 1936–1937 (printed, n.p.), p. 3; and ibid., Volkshochschule Groß-Berlin, Arbeitsplan 1936–1937 (printed, n.p.), pp. 5, 23. 77 See Schmidt, Monika, Ausgrenzung der Juden, in: Metzger/Schmidt/Wehe/Wiemers, Kommunalverwaltung, p. 151. 26 that had been individually ordered by the SS, the municipality and other institutions since 1935. he police chief stressed that police oicers in Berlin must exercise the greatest restraint in their “personal contacts and correspondence with members of the Jewish race,” and had to halt any visits on their part to Jewish physicians and lawyers or dealing with Jewish merchants.78 In public facilities, those in charge likewise pursued a policy of separation. In hospitals, when non-Jews complained about “Jews close by,” the patients were transferred to other wards. In the municipal homes for the terminally ill, eforts were being made to place all Jews together, according to the newly appointed municipal health inspector Leonardo Conti from the Berlin Main Health Oice, who later became Reich Health Leader. But now that meant that some care workers were assigned to attend solely to Jews, a situation that could “not be reasonably expected of German Volksgenossen.” 79 In the light of these developments, the National Socialist Gau Oice for Municipal Policy in Berlin requested that health inspector Conti should implement a ban on Jews in municipal public bathing facilities and pools, “since it cannot be reasonably expected of the Berlin population that they bathe any longer together with Jews.”80 On 3 June 1937, Lippert, appointed in January that year as City President and Lord Mayor, discussed this matter with Conti and other councilors. Instead of a central ban on Jews at swimming pools, which was to be avoided because of foreign policy considerations, signs for this purpose should be aixed in the Berlin public bathing facilities – except for the beach at Lake Wannsee, because of the numerous foreigners there. he Wannsee bathing facility had been transformed into a municipal irm in the spring of 1936 along with other beaches, and was now under the district oice.81 In a general stocktaking, the management explained the sharp fall in visitors from 1.2 million in 1931 to 672,000 in 1934 by arguing that visitors had avoided Wannsee “because it was notorious as a Jews’ beach.”82 Beginning in 1936, the city issued licenses for renting out chairs in municipal parks now solely to “Aryans.” In the summer of 1937, the Department of Parks in the Prenzlauer Berg district painted notices on most of the park benches “Prohibited for Jews.” Several newspapers recommended to other districts in the city that they adopt this measure.83 A short time later, the Wilmersdorf district authority placed benches painted yellow for Jews in several areas. he city now wished to implement such 78 Amtliche Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, 1937, No. 33, p. 53: Decree, 11 May 1937. 79 LA Berlin, B Rep. 142/7, 3–10–11/No. 72, no fols.: Lord Mayor/Main Health Oice Berlin (Dr. Conti) to GCM Berlin, 7 June 1937. 80 BA Berlin, NS 25, No. 85, fol. 113: NSDAP Reich Directorate/Main Oice for Municipal Policy “Conidential Report Excerpts”, 1 September 1937, IX. Shipment 1937 (printed), p. 1. 81 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1818, no fols.: letter, Audit Oice Berlin, 24 August 1936. 82 Ibid.: Trust Company for Communal Enterprises Berlin to State Commissioner/Communal Audit Oice, 9 May 1936, p. 2. 83 Der Angrif, 18 August 1937; see also the Berliner Nordost-Zeitung, cited in Juden in Weißensee, p. 177. 27 segregation in all municipal parks and asked the German Council of Municipalities for its support in the matter.84 An additional motive for these plans was probably the intention to prevent subversive conversation between Jews and non-Jews. Hugo Block, born 1883, sitting on a bench at Hohenzollern Square, had commented to a neighbor there on 8 August 1936: “he Jews in England are far better of than those in Germany. he German Jews are in a pretty lousy situation.” Rudolf Diettrich, who had overheard this remark, reported Block to the police. he police then arrested this Jew for his actionable remark, based on the 1934 “Law against treacherous attacks on the state and party” (Heimtückegesetz), and handed him over to the Gestapo.85 Supervision of Jews and their facilities was generally to be made more efective. In the summer of 1937, the Gestapa and Security Service of the SS agreed at national level to work together, each with speciic tasks.86 Jews converting to another religion in Berlin were registered with special attention. In the event of suspected preparations for emigration, oicials no longer were required to report Jews only to the tax oice and the Gestapo headquarters in the city, but also to the customs investigation oice for Berlin and Brandenburg, the district mayor, the Reichsbank and the chief regional tax administrator. Down to the end of 1937, the Berlin municipality had introduced far more than 80 anti-Jewish regulations of its own, over and beyond the familiar discriminatory measures at the national level. he result of this policy supported by the police chief and other agencies can again be demonstrated looking at the schools. At the end of 1937, only 2,122 Jewish children were attending public schools, contrasted with 12,746 in May 1933; at the same time, 8,845 Jewish children were now attending Jewish schools, compared with just 2,000 in 1933.87 he economic efects were likewise drastic. In the Reich, by the end of 1937, the number of stores and business owned by Jews had declined by 50 percent. In Heidelberg, 47 percent of the Jewish-owned businesses closed down or were “Aryanized,” in Göttingen 56 percent, and in Marburg 69 percent; by contrast, in Hamburg that igure was only around 20 percent, and in Berlin 30 percent.88 Although the lower percentages in the largest cities would seem, at least 84 Gruner, NS-Judenverfolgung und die Kommunen, pp. 103–104. 85 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 030, Tit. 95, No. 21618, Vol. 3, fols. 114–115RS: 152nd Police Precinct Berlin-Wilmersdorf, log entry, 22 August 1936. On the December 1934 law see in detail Dörner, Bernward, „Heimtücke“. Das Gesetz als Wafe, Paderborn 1998. 86 Wildt, Michael (ed.), Die Judenpolitik des SD 1935 bis 1938. Eine Dokumentation, München 1995, Doc. 13, pp. 115–118: Report Hagen on cooperation SD II 112 and Gestapa II B 4, 29 June 1937. 87 See Gruner, Reichshauptstadt, p. 257, Table. 88 Barkai, Avraham, Vom Boykott zur „Entjudung“. Der wirtschatliche Existenzkampf der Juden im Dritten Reich 1933–1943, Frankfurt/M. 1988, pp. 122–124. (English translation: From Boycott to Annihilation: he Economic Struggle of the German Jews, 1933–1943, Hanover/NH 1989, pp. 127–129). See also Bajohr, Frank/ Pohl, Dieter, Der Holocaust als ofenes Geheimnis. Die Deutschen, die NS-Führung und die Alliierten, Munich 2006, p. 29. 28 on the surface, to suggest that there was less persecution there, de facto the closing of nearly one in three Jewish-owned shops and businesses in Berlin meant the social and economic destruction of thousands of lives.89 Coordination of persecution (autumn 1937 to summer 1938) In response to the anti-Jewish measures introduced ater the Nuremberg Laws, the number of emigrants from Berlin skyrocketed in 1936 and 1937 to 10,000 annually, ater declining to a low of 6,000 in 1935. A similar tendency could be observed elsewhere throughout the Reich.90 he subsequent regulations marked the transition to a more systematic persecution. In the autumn of 1937, the Gestapo intensiied its eforts to register the names of all Jewish Community members.91 At the beginning of 1938, Berlin began marking Jewish welfare recipients and the sick in order to provide segregated care for them. In future, only 20 specially selected Jewish physicians were to be permitted to administer to the medical needs of over 10,000 needy Berlin Jews. At the same time, the municipality printed lists of Jewish physicians and dentists in order to warn municipal workers not to go to their oices for treatment. In the wake of the annexation of Austria, Goebbels, ater conferring with Hitler, ordered the police chief in April 1938 to provide him with a drat plan for a uniform policy of persecution in the capital. he memo prepared by mid-May by the local Gestapo head oice Berlin contained plans which extended in their totality far beyond all the ideas that had been discussed at the national level: “Over the long term, a kind of ghetto” should be established for the Jews. To that end, the separation already at a quite signiicant level in Berlin was to be expanded even further: shops, cultural institutions, bars, restaurants and clubs would be forbidden for Jews. To balance this of, separate segregated “Jewish” theatres, movie houses, restaurants and parks were to be established. In addition, the Gestapo demanded that a “head tax” be introduced for all Jews, compulsory schooling for Jewish children should be abolished, and freedom of trade for Jews eliminated.92 Along with Goebbels, who had ordered the plans to be drawn up, Hitler, Heydrich and the new economy minister Funk learned of these plans, which were then blocked, though, because of economic and political considerations. Despite this, the linkage for the irst time between radical proposals that 89 For the scope and details of this process see Kreutzmüller, Ausverkauf. Some examples can also be found in Biggeleben/Schreiber/Steiner, „Arisierung“ in Berlin. 90 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 47, no fols.: memo Eppstein (ca. October 1939). 91 Stitung Neue Synagoge Berlin – Centrum Judaicum, Archiv (CJA) Berlin, Bestand 1, 75 A Berlin 2, No. 271, fol. 120: Circular letter, Jewish Community Berlin, 25 October 1937. 92 Gruner, Wolf, „Lesen brauchen sie nicht zu können…“ Die „Denkschrit über die Behandlung der Juden in der Reichshauptstadt auf allen Gebieten des öfentlichen Lebens“ vom Mai 1938, in: Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung 4 (1995), pp. 305–341. 29 could be implemented only at the national level and a local process of “ghettoization” formed the foundation for a new conception of anti-Jewish policy ater the November 1938 pogrom.93 In May and June 1938, Berlin party members organized new anti-Jewish boycott campaigns. Dissatisied with how the expulsion as a whole was proceeding, on 10 June, speaking to 300 police oicers, Goebbels demanded forceful new steps: “he slogan now is not law and order, but harassment. he Jews must leave Berlin. he police will assist me in this matter.”94 Not only the police, the Berlin NSDAP also understood the speech as a call for immediate action. he SA and Hitler Youth went out and defaced shops owned by Jewish with slogans in many areas of the city, and organized demonstrations, such as on 13 June on the Kurfürstendamm and at the Bayerischer Platz in Wilmersdorf. In parallel, the police conducted raids searching for Jews “with previous convictions.” At the end of May, Hitler had ordered that “asocial and criminal Jews” be taken into custody.95 Heydrich linked that with an “action against asocials” that had already been planned and sent more than 2,500 Jews with previous convictions for minor ofenses to concentration camps. During the second week in June, 824 Jews were sent to the Sachsenhausen camp just from Berlin alone, a full third of the Jews arrested across the Reich. he high point of the violent excesses was reached in the third week in June.96 Crowds gathered in front of shops with smashed windows, as on 17 June at Strausberger Platz.97 he following day, some 60 persons gathered on Frankfurter Allee before the destroyed facade of the fashion store Adolf Brünn Nachf.98 In the meantime, the police issued an order that shops owned by Jews should remain closed until further notice in order to prevent new rallies and demonstrations.99 Now one could see shops everywhere across the city defaced by the word “Jude.” 100 Goebbels, as Gauleiter 93 Ibid., pp. 305–317. 94 Goebbels, Die Tagebücher, Teil I, Vol. 3, pp. 452, 463, entries of 11 and 22 June 1938. 95 YV Jerusalem, 051/OSOBI, No. 88 (Moscow 500/1/261), fol. 30: memo SD-Dept. for Jewish Afairs, 8 June 1938, on meeting in Security Main Oice, 1 June 1938. See Gruner, Geschlossener Arbeitseinsatz, p. 43. 96 For detailed analysis of the events, see Longerich, Politik der Vernichtung, pp. 175–180; likewise Dirks, Christian, Die „Juni-Aktion“ 1938 in Berlin, in: Meyer/Simon, Juden in Berlin 1938–1945, pp. 33–43; see also Dirks in English translation, Meyer/Simon/Schütz, Jews in Nazi Berlin, pp. 23–33. 97 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 030, Tit. 95, No. 21619, Vol. 4, fols. 149+RS: Report, 106th Police Precinct, 17 June 1938. 98 Ibid., fol. 158. In the entry, falsely spelled Brün. he irm Fa. Brünn Nachf., proprietor Moritz Freudenthal, at Frankfurter Allee 89, was removed from the Trade Register at the end of 1938. I am grateful to Christoph Kreutzmüller, Berlin, for this information. 99 On 19 June 1938, the baker Lippmann Treitel on Tilsiter Straße violated this decree, and was then arrested by the uniformed police and charged with hostility to the state and disturbing the peace; LA Berlin, A Pr.Br. Rep. 030, Tit. 95, No. 21619, Vol. 4, fols. 161+RS: Report, 81st Police Precinct, 19 June 1938. 100 Kulka/Jäckel, Die Juden, CD-No. 2457: Report SD-Main Oice II 112 20 June 1938; see also idem, he Jews, p. 306. With photographs and details see Kreutzmüller, Christoph/Simon, Hermann/Weber, Elisabeth, Ein Pogrom im Juni. Fotos antisemitischer Schmierereien in Berlin, 1938, Berlin 2013. 30 responsible for the Party, rejected any responsibility, noting on 22 June: “he Jewish question has now become very complicated. Probably acting on a suggestion by Helldorf, the Party defaced the Jewish shops with slogans.”101 Hitler stepped in and personally put a halt to the Berlin riots, because violence could not solve the main problem facing anti-Jewish policy: namely the mounting obstacles to emigration.102 Already on 14 June, the Reich ordinance had been issued to register all Jewish irms, along with instructions to implement the “Aryan Clause” in the sphere of the economy. Both these measures worsened the inancial situation, and thus people’s options for emigration. According to a Gestapo report, the Berliner Fritz Gelbart stated in July that the economic measures had considerably heightened tensions within the Jewish population. he arrests in particular and the “victims of SS justice” – Sanitätsrat Dr. Max Leopold, Julius Simon, master stone-setter, and Director Dr. Arnstein – had “demonstrated to European Jewry that now the struggle to defend themselves had become unavoidable, if they wished to prevent the total subjugation of all of Jewry.”103 Leopold and Simon, both born in 1876 and from Berlin, had died the previous month in the Buchenwald concentration camp.104 Pressed by the local Party,105 ater negotiations with the Oice for Racial Policy of the NSDAP and with the consent of the Reich Propaganda Ministry, the city Berlin began in all districts with a large concentration of Jewish residents to paint a small number of park benches “in pale yellow,” aixed with a sign “For Jews only.” On 20 July 1938, police chief Helldorf issued 76 guidelines aimed at “liberating” the capital “as much as possible from the Jews, and most especially the Jewish proletariat.” He stipulated that for this objective, the police should move to interpret all existing regulations in the most radical manner. Goebbels was enthusiastic: “In this way, we’ll rid Berlin of the Jews very soon.”106 101 Goebbels, Die Tagebücher, Teil I, Vol. 3, p. 463: entry of 22 June 1938. 102 he Berlin operation was “halted on 22 June on orders from on high.” On “order of the Führer” is crossed out in the original; YV Jerusalem, 051/OSOBI, No. 88 (Moscow 500/1/261), fol. 40–41RS: Hagen (SD II 112) to SD-OA Süd, 29 June 1938. See also the mention of a personal order by Hitler on 21 June 1938 issued from Berchtesgaden in Wildt, Judenpolitik, p. 57. 103 Kulka/Jäckel, Die Juden, CD-No. 2476: Report Gestapa II A 2, 12 July 1938. 104 Data from „Das Gedenkbuch des Bundesarchivs für die Opfer der nationalsozialistischen Judenverfolgung in Deutschland (1933–1945)“, URL: http://www.bundesarchiv.de/gedenkbuch (accessed 13 June 2008). It was not possible to identify Dr. Arnstein either in the Gedenkbuch or in Berlin address directories (URL: http://adressbuch.zlb.de). 105 “As is evident from reports from local branches, the population generally wishes for this regulation [public park benches for Jews painted yellow] to be generally implemented”; report District Oice for Municipal Policy Berlin; BA Berlin, NS 25, No. 86, fol. 9: Reich Directorate/Main Oice for Municipal Policy “Conidential Report Excerpts”, 1 March 1938, III. Shipment 1938 (printed), p. 1. 106 Goebbels, Die Tagebücher, Teil I, Vol. 3, p. 492, entry of 27 July 1938. See Gruner, „Lesen brauchen sie nicht zu können …“, pp. 305–341. 31 One of the new measures from the police chief directed that all motor vehicles owned by Jews would be given special license plate numbers. Kurt Rosenberg, a ceramics dealer located at Besselstraße 3, complained. Ater being reprimanded at the police station for not having removed clay vases from out in front of his shop, Rosenberg asked whether the precinct Police chief had not become a small Hitler in the hird Reich himself, who was imposing a dictatorship on his district, and could harass individuals just because they were Jewish. He told a neighbor it was also a scandal that he would no longer be allowed to park his car, and that “Jewish” motor vehicles had been given a special license number over 350,000. He said that probably Jews soon would be reduced to getting food rations only with special yellow coupons: “here’s hardly anything else the German state would not invent in order to harass Jews.”107 Rosenberg either had some inkling of what was to come or he had heard that the Berlin State Social Welfare Oice had been having special yellow-colored health insurance vouchers printed since the spring for the Jews. In mid-August, this same oice ordered the gathering of data on Jewish recipients of social welfare, where the unpaid compulsory laborers (Plichtarbeiter) would be listed separately.108 Initiatives for compiling lists generally provided the basis for new exclusions. he large urban housing company, the Gemeinnützige Siedlungs- und Wohnungsbaugesellschat Berlin m.b.H. (GSW), registered its Jewish tenants on 1 September 1938, and then ordered them to vacate the premises. About half moved out voluntarily, the remainder opposed the evictions. he GSW waited with the eviction complaints to see how the pending law suits would turn out. In mid-September, the Charlottenburg Local Court rejected a complaint on the grounds that Jews who did not voluntarily vacate constituted a “major source of irritation” for a non-proit Berlin housing company because the Jews were not part of the “Volksgemeinschat,” the vaunted “folk community.” Simultaneously, Albert Speer, as General Building Inspector for the Redesigning of the Reich Capital, pressed the Reich Justice Ministry to revoke tenant protection for Jews. Speer needed their Berlin apartments to rehouse those who were living in buildings slated to be demolished in the framework of urban renewal.109 Public space, like private space, also became ever more constricted for Jews. he city of Berlin wanted to prohibit their entry inter alia to Bellevue Park, a matter discussed in September 1938 at the German Council of Municipalities and the Reich 107 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 030, Tit. 95, No. 21619, Vol. 4, fol. 321+RS: memo, 26 September 1938. 108 For several years at this point, Jews in Berlin had been required to “work of ” their social welfare support in separate segregated work gangs. In the summer of 1938, hundreds were toiling away as unpaid unskilled construction workers in a number of districts of the city. On the imposition of compulsory labor for needy Jews on welfare in various German cities, see Gruner, Öfentliche Wohlfahrt, pp. 93–96. 109 On persecution of the Jews in the housing sector and the role of General Building Inspector Speer in Berlin, see Willems, Der entsiedelte Jude. 32 Interior Ministry.110 In October 1938, the Berlin State Social Welfare and Youth Oice drated a plan to “totally prohibit Jewish clubs from using municipal sports grounds in future.”111 he German Council of Municipalities contacted the Reich Interior Ministry regarding the matter. But only a short time later, these plans were “rendered obsolete by the latest legislation on the Jews.”112 New strategies of persecution (autumn 1938) Now municipal policies were increasingly made subordinate to policies of the Reich central government. With the Sudeten crisis, war loomed ever closer on the horizon, and the Nazi leadership once again chose to resort to violence. On instructions from Himmler, the Reichsführer-SS and Chief of German Police, a large-scale raid was carried out on Jews with Polish passports, largely male, but also including women and children. hey were taken into custody and deported without their belongings to the Polish border, and deposited there in a no-man’s land.113 he total number of “expellees” was some 17,000, as Hitler later learned.114 he next incident, the assassination of a German embassy staf oicer in Paris, provided suicient pretext for Hitler to unleash an organized wave of violence of unprecedented scope, the national pogrom of 9/10 November 1938.115 In Berlin, the SA and SS, along with members of the Hitler Youth and the National Socialist Motor Corps (NSKK) attacked Jewish facilities.116 Shops on Frankfurter Allee and elsewhere were ransacked and plundered and their goods were thrown into the street.117 Of 12 syna110 LA Berlin, Rep. 142/7, 1-2-6/No. 1, Vol. 2, no fols.: memo, GCM/Dept. I, 3 September 1938; and ibid.: handwritten memo, 26 September 1938. 111 Ibid.: Lord Mayor/Department of Welfare Berlin (Behagel) to GCM, 13 October 1938. 112 Ibid.: GCM to Reich Interior Ministry, 24 October 1938, and handwritten note on this letter. 113 On the signiicance of the raid, see Herbert, Ulrich, Best. Biographische Studien über Radikalismus, Weltanschauung und Vernunt 1903–1989, 2nd rev. ed., Bonn 1996, pp. 217–218. 114 BA Berlin, R 58, No. 6678, no fols.: telex Gestapo Nuremberg-Fuerth (Heigl) to Inspector, Security Police Munich, 8 November 1938. 115 On the pogrom, see among others Pehle, Walter H. (ed.), Der Judenpogrom 1938. Von der „Reichskristallnacht“ zum Völkermord, Frankfurt/M. 1988 (English translation: November 1938: From “Reichskristallnacht” to Genocide, New York 1991); Obst, Dieter, „Reichskristallnacht“. Ursachen und Verlauf des antisemitischen Pogroms vom November 1938, Frankfurt/M. 1991; Pätzold, Kurt/Runge, Irene (eds.), Pogromnacht 1938, Berlin (DDR) 1988; Korb, Alexander, Reaktionen der deutschen Bevölkerung auf die Novemberpogrome im Spiegel amtlicher Berichte, Saarbrücken 2008; Steinweis, Alan, Kristallnacht 1938, Cambridge 2009. 116 here are eyewitness accounts in: Sopade, No. 11, November 1938, pp. 1194–1195; Simon, Hermann, Die Zeit des Nationalsozialismus (1933–1945), in: Nachama, Andreas/Schoeps, Julius H./Simon, Hermann (eds.), Juden in Berlin, Berlin 2001, pp. 193–194; idem, Bilder, die sich Dante nicht vorstellte, denn die Höllenpeinigungen haben das Rainement ihres jeweiligen Jahrhunderts, in: Vom Pogrom zum Völkermord. November 1938. Dokumentation einer Veranstaltung des Vereins Porta Pacis am 7. November 1998 im Gedenken an die Reichspogromnacht vor 60 Jahren, Berlin 1999, pp. 16–46; Gilbert, Martin, Kristallnacht. Prelude to Destruction, New York et al. 2007, pp. 42–52. 117 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 030, Tit. 95, No. 21620, Vol. 5, fol. 65RS. See also the report by the Colombian ambassador, 16 November 1938, in Simon, Bilder, die sich Dante nicht vorstellte, p. 24. 33 gogues in the city, all but three burned to the ground.118 According to a contemporary report, in the east of the city and in the area around Alexanderplatz, “the beasts also [pushed their way] into apartments, threw the furniture out the windows a[nd] slit open the beds.”119 An unknown number of Jews were murdered during the pogrom in Berlin. he day ater the events, the Daily Telegraph reported that four Jews had been lynched and the family of the synagogue caretaker on Prinzregentenstraße had perished in the lames.120 Along with voices that supported the pogrom, there were others in Berlin who rejected and criticized the pogrom, the arson, the plundering of shops, apartments and synagogues. Some paid for their criticism with arrest ater others had brought a complaint to the police.121 Heinrich Meißeler, born 1892, had stated in public: “he guys who set ire to the synagogues also set ire to the Reichstag.” He was arrested for subversion.122 Many appeared surprised by the vehemence of the violence. Some wished to document the destruction and took notes of the names of shops that had been destroyed. Others photographed the damaged facades. Quite a number of these persons taking photos were seized by SA or SS members, or passers-by, and handed over to the custody of the police.123 he concentration camps and prisons were packed full beyond capacity, because Heydrich had also ordered the mass arrest of 20–30,000 Jewish men in order to ratchet up the pressure for emigration. In Berlin this operation went on for two weeks. It is believed that just here alone 12,000 men and youth aged 15 or more were arrested. Many of them perished in the following weeks in Sachsenhausen camp from hunger, cold and violence.124 Ater the pogrom, the National Socialist leadership worked out a uniform strategy for persecution at several conferences held in Berlin. hat strategy included on the one hand to put renewed pressure on to drive expulsion forward, and on the other to separate and segregate those remaining in all spheres of life. For this design they also had recourse to the Berlin Gestapo memo of April and its ideas. By December, Jews had been excluded from the public schools and social welfare; “forced Aryanization” and a ban on conducting a business had been decreed. 118 Report by the Brazilian Embassy Counselor, 21 November 1938, in Simon, Bilder, die sich Dante nicht vorstellte, p. 33. 119 Scholem, Betty, November. Die Kennkarte. Schmuck und Silber – Ein Dokument zur „Kristallnacht“ 1938 in Berlin, in: LBI-Bulletin 77 (1987), pp. 4–5. 120 Gilbert, Kristallnacht, p. 37. 121 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 030, Tit. 95, No. 21620, Vol. 5, fols. 74–105. See also Sopade, No. 11, November 1938, pp. 1207–1208, and the report by the Brazilian embassy, 21 November 1938, in Simon, Bilder, die sich Dante nicht vorstellte, p. 33. 122 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 030, Tit. 95, No. 21620, Vol. 5, fol. 83: entry, 81st Police Precinct, 10 November 1938. 123 Ibid., fols. 74–105; LA Berlin, B Rep 020, Acc. 1201, No. 6949, fols. 440–441. See also Simon, Bilder, die sich Dante nicht vorstellte, p. 20. 124 Sopade, No. 11, November 1938, pp. 1194–1195; Scholem, November, pp. 4–5. 34 In Berlin, the police had quickly moved to shut down shops owned by Jews ater the pogrom. On 26 November, according to a police logbook, the “Jew Goldner,” born 1898, was selling merchandise in his store, which had been shut down four days earlier. Ater he was reported to the police, Goldner behaved “improperly” and was “insolent” on the way to the precinct station.125 In 1933, more than 6,000 retail shops owned by Jews existed in Berlin; by the end of 1937, that igure had fallen to 4,000 ater proprietors had given up their businesses because of emigration, economic diiculties or the result of “Aryanizations.” On 1 April 1938, Berlin counted only 3,105 shops with Jewish proprietors. By year’s end, 2,570 of these had been liquidated and 535 sold to “Aryan” buyers.126 Subsequent to the ordinances on the “de-Judiication” (Entjudung) of the economy, there was such a surge in interested clients that, as the city president reported, “oicials, for example in the district Berlin-Mitte, spent the whole day just giving out information to people.” When the rumor spread in December that the city president had “properties on record for the entire Reich,” interested parties arrived in the capital from as far away as Upper Silesia and the Rhineland. It was noted that the “overall total impression let by Aryanization” was “not favorable.” “he wave of Aryanizations” would be followed by a wave of bankruptcies. Because, it was argued, many proiteers had taken over “good Jewish properties” quite cheaply without the requisite knowledge.127 here were interested parties not only for Berlin shops and factories, but also for the synagogues that had escaped destruction. he Berlin SS wanted to turn the synagogue on Schulstraße 7 into an SS pub; the irm Dr. Hugo Remmler used the synagogue on Brunnenstraße as a storage facility.128 Berlin acted once again at the local level as a forerunner of things to come: immediately ater the pogrom, Jewish children were forced to leave the public schools. his was several days before the Reich Education Ministry took the same decision nationally. Ater the prohibition on attending public events and cultural and sports facilities, the chief of police announced that the government quarter (Regierungsviertel) would 125 LA Berlin, B Rep. 020, Acc. 1201, No. 6949, fol. 448: Police logbook, Schöneberg, entry No. 344, 26 November 1938. 126 Viseur, Max, „Die Entjudung des Einzelhandels“, in: Wirtschatsblatt der Industrie- und Handelskammer zu Berlin vom 7. 2. 1939; BA Berlin, R 3901 (former R 41), No. 156, fol. 130: Statistics, Lord Mayor/Municipal Economy Oice, 24 March 1939. According to a newspaper report, some 3,050 businesses had been liquidated and about 700 “Aryanized” out of 3,750 on the registry rolls in August; Berliner Börsenzeitung, 25 January 1939. 127 BA Berlin, R 3901 (former R 41), No. 155, fols. 121–122: Special report, City President, “On De-Judiication of Retail Trade in Berlin”, 5 January 1939. See also the copy from the Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv (BA-MA) Freiburg i.Br., RH 19, No. 2374, in Kulka/Jäckel, Die Juden, CD-No. 2782. 128 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 030, Tit. 95, No. 21620, Vol. 5, fol. 105; Pätzold/Runge, Pogromnacht 1938, Doc. 80, p. 233. On this more generally, see Gruner, Wolf, Die Grundstücke der „Reichsfeinde“. Zur „Arisierung“ von Immobilien durch Städte und Gemeinden 1938–1945, in: „Arisierung“. Volksgemeinschat, Raub und Gedächtnis, eds. Irmtrud Wojak and Peter Hayes, Frankfurt/M. 2000, pp. 125–156. 35 soon be closed to Jews, and from July 1939 on Jews would be banned from residence there. he “ghetto” was beginning to take on palpable shape. he rise in repression was relected in the increasing number of Jewish suicides: in 1938, the remains of 131 persons who had taken their own lives were buried at the Weißensee Cemetery. Especially in the face of the violence, suicides had surged, with 20 cases between 15 June and 30 July, and 16 reported suicides from 9 November to the end of the month.129 Conscript labor and ghettoization (January to August 1939) At the end of January 1939, Göring established the Reich Central Oice for Jewish Emigration, based on the paradigm developed in Vienna. he Berlin oice, directed by Heydrich, was to coordinate all measures for emigration and the prior plundering of the prospective Jewish migrants.130 Municipal clerks and tax oicials worked together with the Gestapo at Kurfürstenstraße 115/116 in issuing passports, authorizing shipment of belongings, arranging certiicates from the Berlin Labor Oice and tax clearance.131 Down to the summer 1939, another 10,000 Berlin Jews emigrated, now most beret of any possessions. For Jews remaining in Germany, the process of persecution was pressed ahead in four major areas: property, welfare assistance, conscript labor and concentration of housing. Along with “forced Aryanization,” the Nazi leadership had ordered that Jews had to surrender all precious metals in their personal possession, such as jewelry, art and handicrat objects (except for wedding rings and one set of silver cutlery). Like in other localities, the Berlin City Pawn Oice expressed disappointment with the assortment of better pieces, such as jewels or pearls, presented for obligatory purchase. In contrast with the prejudicial stereotype of the “rich Jew,” most Berlin Jews were only able to hand over silver in the form of candelabras and cutlery.132 Already before 1933, many poor Jews lived in the industrial metropolis of Berlin. But as a result of the impact of persecution, the Jewish Winter Relief had to support every ith Jew in Berlin, some 25,000 persons, with additional assistance for food or heat- 129 Figure based on Fischer, Anna (ed.), Erzwungener Freitod. Spuren und Zeugnisse in den Freitod getriebener Juden der Jahre 1938–1945 in Berlin, Berlin 2007, pp. 111–115. 130 BA Berlin, R 3601 (former R 14), No. 301, fol. 221: Göring to Reich Interior Ministry, 24 January 1939. 131 Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt (JNBl.), 1939, No. 14, 17 February 1939, p. 1; and Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1940, Teil IX, p. 39, No. 52: Decree Mackensen (Main Tax Oice), 13 March 1940; ibid., p. 136, No. 112: Decree Mackensen (Main Tax Oice), 14 June 1940. 132 LA Berlin, B Rep. 142-07, 4-10-3/No. 26, no fols.: GCM/Dept. IV Berlin to Reich Economy Ministry, 14 February 1939. In detail on obligatory handover of items, see Gruner, Wolf, Der Deutsche Gemeindetag und die Koordinierung antijüdischer Kommunalpolitik im NS-Staat. Zum Marktverbot jüdischer Händler und der „Verwertung jüdischen Eigentums“, in: Archiv für Kommunalwissenschaten 37 (1998), II. Halbjahresband, pp. 261–291 (in English: idem, he German Council of Municipalities and the Coordination of Anti-Jewish Local Policies in the Nazi State, in: Holocaust and Genocide Studies 13 [1999], No. 2, pp. 171–199). 36 ing.133 Yet ater the pogrom, the National Socialist regime excluded poor Jews from equal welfare assistance. he Berlin municipality immediately initiated separate consultation days, and in future granted needy Jews only what was deemed “necessary maintenance.” However, an audit of the budget of the Berlin Jewish Welfare Service showed that the Jewish Community could not cover the total cost for care for needy Jews.134 Already prior to the November pogrom, the Nazi leadership had decided that unemployed Jews should be conscripted for forced labor.135 Even before a central government decree of 20 December 1938 ordered “segregated labor deployment,” the Berlin Labor Oice set up a “Central Oice for Jews”. he oice, later dubbed by the victims the “Bully Promenade” (or: “Schikanepromenade”),136 located at Fontanepromenade 15, organized their future segregated employment.137 he Deputy Lord Mayor, Ludwig Steeg, called at the end of February 1939 for greater “deployment of Jews likewise at hard labor.”138 Since the city already had employed more than 1,000 Jewish welfare recipients as unpaid “compulsory workers” or Plichtarbeiter, initially only a small number of oices expressed any willingness to hire on jobless Jews, even at low pay. he municipal Central Planning Oice did at least take on 780 Jews for work in the expansion of city parks. Ater the Nazi party leadership suggested that they perceived garbage removal as especially “suitable” for Jewish forced labor, in May 1939 the Labor Oice pressed the Lord Mayor to make job slots available at two municipal garbage dumps located outside Berlin.139 he “Law on Rentals to Jews” of 30 April 1939 likewise produced disastrous efects on life in the Reich capital. Utilizing a discretionary provision in the law, Lord Mayor Lippert issued an order on 19 May to report any premises rented to Jewish tenants.140 Prior to that, the municipal administration and Speer’s oice had already held 133 Gruner, Wolf, Die Berichte über die Jüdische Winterhilfe von 1938/39 bis 1941/42, in: Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung 1 (1992), pp. 312, 325. 134 LA Berlin, Rep. 214, Acc. 794, No. 13, no fols.: Decree Behagel Lord Mayor/Dept. of Welfare, 29 December 1938. 135 In detail on this, see Gruner, Geschlossener Arbeitseinsatz. 136 Edel, Peter, Wenn es ans Leben geht, Vol. 1, 2nd ed., Berlin 1979, p. 196. 137 In particular on Berlin, see Gruner, Wolf, Der Zwangseinsatz von Juden in der Region Berlin/Brandenburg 1938/39–1943. Entwicklung, Formen und Funktion, in: Meyer, Winfried/Neitmann, Klaus (eds.), Zwangsarbeit während der NS-Zeit in Berlin und Brandenburg. Formen, Funktion und Rezeption, Potsdam 2001, pp. 47–68; see also Roik-Bogner, Christine, „Gesondert von den übrigen Dienststellen …“ – Arbeitsamt Berlin, Zentralstelle für Juden, Fontanepromenade 15, in: Juden in Kreuzberg, pp. 252–266. 138 Handwritten note, 28 February 1939 on letter, Municipal Councilor for Transport, 14 February 1939; Gruner, Wolf, Der Beginn der Zwangsarbeit für arbeitslose Juden in Deutschland 1938/39. Dokumente aus der Stadtverwaltung Berlin, in: Zeitschrit für Geschichtswissenschat 37 (1989), No. 2, Doc. 4, p. 143. 139 Ibid., pp. 143–147, Docs. 5–7, letter, Central Planning Oice and Municipal Economy Oice to Lord Mayor, 24 February and 7 March, 1939; and ibid., pp. 147–148, Doc. 8, Foreign Oice to Lord Mayor Berlin, 9 May 1939. 140 Anordnung über die Anmeldung von Räumen nach Maßgabe des Reichsgesetzes über Mietverhältnisse mit Juden vom 30. April 1939; Amtsblatt der Reichshauptstadt Berlin, 80 (1939), special edition, 25 May 1939, p. 427. 37 discussions about an “operation for forced vacating of Jewish apartments in properties owned by Aryans,” and decided that a card catalogue “registry for Jews” should be prepared in this connection. he General Building Inspector Speer would then determine what districts were in future to be rendered “Jew-free,” and then the leases for the living quarters would be terminated, if necessary through pressure from the NSDAP on the landlords.141 In announcing the obligation to register, the Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt also proclaimed the coming eviction of all Jewish tenants living in “Aryan” buildings. Several areas of the city, including the Bavarian Quarter, were to be closed for new residents wishing to move in. Maps were drawn in the oice of the General Building Inspector which showed “Jew-free areas” for Charlottenburg, Tiergarten, the Bavarian Quarter and Dahlem/Zehlendorf.142 he anti-Jewish law on rentals also obstructed setting up homes for the elderly and those needing special care. It was hard to ind rooms to rent, forbidden to purchase plots of land, and there was no money for new construction. For that reason, the Jewish Community now began to set up homes in synagogues, schools and combined apartments.143 Just in Berlin alone, there were 3,000 advance reservations for places in homes for the elderly, even though the number of Jewish homes had increased from 5 to 12 since 1933.144 Applications had rocketed since the pogrom, because many emigrants had to leave unattended relatives behind. In the irst six months of 1939 alone, the number of emigrants leaving Berlin soared to 16,000, the total number for the year before. Life in the community of compulsion (September 1939 to August 1941) Until the attack on Poland by Germany, some 80,000 Berlin Jews led the country. hen the borders in Europe were sealed shut. he prospect that during the war those remaining could not be expelled any longer to some other country led to Hitler’s decision in early October 1939 to resettle 300,000 German and Austrian Jews in the newly occupied Polish territory. In the following weeks, the Gestapo deported several thousand Jews from Vienna, the Protectorate and Kattowitz. But then, due to technical reasons, Himmler postponed the irst transports of German Jews planned for November to February 1940.145 141 BA Berlin, R 4606, No. 3442, fols. 9–10: memo on meeting, 17 May 1939; ibid., No. 3443, fol. 142: memo on same meeting. 142 BA Berlin, R 4606, No. 3560: 4 maps. 143 Prochnik, Robert, Bericht über die organisatorischen und sonstigen Verhältnisse der jüdischen Bevölkerung in Berlin und unter Berücksichtigung des gesamten Altreichs, Stand 31. 7. 1941, [MS], Vienna 1941, pp. 23–27. 144 BA Berlin, R 8501, No. 1, fol. 96: memo for Dr. Eppstein, 7 July 1939. 145 On this in detail, see Gruner, Wolf, Von der Kollektivausweisung zur Deportation der Juden aus Deutschland. Neue Perspektiven und Dokumente (1938–1945), in: Kundrus, Birthe/Meyer, Beate (eds.), Die Deportation der Juden aus Deutschland. Pläne, Praxis, Reaktionen 1938–1945, Göttingen 2004, pp. 21–62. 38 he German Jews were in the meantime living largely in a community of compulsion. With the war’s outbreak, the Nazi state compelled Jews to surrender their radios, and prohibited them to leave their apartments ater 8 p.m. On Gestapo instructions, the last existing Jewish organizations were either liquidated or incorporated into the Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland (Reich Association of the Jews in Germany). Since its formal establishment in July 1939, all Jews were obligatory members. Its main tasks encompassed preparation for emigration, welfare and the segregated Jewish schools.146 he social situation deteriorated quickly. In the irst winter of the war 1939/40, the Jewish Winter Relief provided assistance to almost every fourth Jew in Berlin.147 Tens of thousands were now living only on their savings or pensions. he authorities pressed ahead with their exclusion in almost all spheres of life. he Berlin district of Pankow now assigned Jews as subtenants to live “with other families of Jews,” which “had to squeeze closer together,” moving especially into structurally poor buildings.148 Previously the Labor Oice had only registered Jews for forced labor who received some kind of unemployment beneits. Ater the war began, it compelled hundreds of Berlin Jews to work, initially in short-term deployment loading boxcars at Berlin train stations and as farm laborers in the root crop harvest.149 When the planned deportations were again postponed in the spring of 1940, the Berlin Labor Oice took advantage of the situation and at the end of April and in early May, ordered all Jewish men between the ages of 18 and 55 and all Jewish women between 18 and 50 to report for forced labor deployment.150 In the Reich, rations had been cut for Jews since the beginning of the year. he Berlin district of Charlottenburg prohibited them in May 1940 to go shopping before noon. Ater an intervention of Gauleiter Goebbels, on 4 July police chief Helldorf limited the shopping time for Jews throughout Berlin to just a single hour in the late aternoon. Given the shortage of goods, this meant that Jews had to make do with only what was let over at day’s end. he Jewish Community unsuccessfully tried to have this regulation revoked.151 146 Gruner, Wolf, Poverty and Persecution: he Reichsvereinigung, the Jewish Population, and the Anti-Jewish Policy in the Nazi-State, 1939–1945, in: Yad Vashem Studies 27 (1999), pp. 23–60. On the Reich association: Meyer, Beate, Tödliche Gratwanderung. Die Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland zwischen Hofnung, Zwang, Selbstbehauptung und Verstrickung (1939–1945), Göttingen 2011. (English translation: A Fatal Balancing Act: he Dilemma of the Reich Association of Jews in Germany, 1939–1945, New York 2013). 147 Gruner, Berichte, Doc. 2, report on Jewish Welfare 1939/40, 26 June 1940, p. 330. 148 LA Berlin, Rep. 49-08, No. 25, fol. 137: Wartime administrative report, 1 September 1939 to 31 March 1941; see also report of the Housing oice Spandau, cited in Kaulen/Pohl, Juden in Spandau, p. 121. 149 Kulka/Jäckel, Die Juden, CD-No. 3020: Report Reich Security Main Oice (Dept. III-SD), 15 Nov. 1939. 150 It is evident from the report of 21 May 1940; JNBl., No. 41, 21 May 1940, p. 2. 151 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 45, fols. 171, 155: memo Eppstein on summons to Gestapa, 12 July and 6 August 1940; see ibid., fols. 94, 96RS: minutes, Reich Association Executive Committee meetings, 8 and 29 July 1940. 39 Jews were now also forbidden to use private telephones,152 and in Berlin, the Jews were required to cancel their private numbers already the end of August, instead according to the nationwide decree- the end of September. he restrictions on communication happened in connection with renewed deportation plans ater the victory over France. At a ministerial conference on 19 July 1940, Goebbels proclaimed the intention “immediately ater the end of the war, to deport all […] Jews still living in Berlin [...] to Poland.”153 Everything had been prepared in September, within a month ater the end of the war, “to remove 60,000 Jews from Berlin largely to the East; the remaining 12,000 would likewise disappear in a further four weeks.”154 Since contrary to all expectations, an end to the war was not in sight, in October the Labor oices recruited all Jews still able to work in order to cover the huge needs for labor power in the industrial irms and factories. In the winter 1940/41, the Berlin Labor Oice additionally organized the deployment of hundreds of Jews in the Berlin district oices and for the construction worker staf of General Building Inspector Speer. Several Berlin companies, such as Zeiss-Ikon Werke AG and Philipp Holzmann KG, already began to require their forced laborers to wear a stigmatizing badge identifying them as Jews.155 his symbolized the ever more accelerating segregation of the Berlin Jews. In September 1940, the police chief had ordered that in buildings where Jews and non-Jews still lived together, separate air raid shelters should be set up. At the end of November, the Central Welfare Oice instructed the Jewish Community to absorb all welfare expenses for Jews living in poverty. Berlin was the last city in the Reich to rid itself of its duty to provide welfare for the Jews.156 Now the Speer authority began vacating “Jewish apartments,” termed in Nazi discourse Judenwohnungen. At the beginning of 1941, Hitler had demanded 1,000 apartments for future victims of bombing raids. he irst operation was launched in March, and in August another “5,000 Judenwohnungen” were to be vacated.157 In the spring of 1941, the RSHA (Reich Security Main Oice) updated deportation planning in the context of the attack on the Soviet Union.158 On 20 March, participants in a discussion on “evacuating the Jews from Berlin” at the Reich Propaganda 152 Blau, Bruno, Das Ausnahmerecht für die Juden in Deutschland 1933–1945, 3rd rev. ed., Düsseldorf 1965, No. 284: Decree, Reich Postal Minister, 29 July 1940. 153 Boelcke, Willi (ed.), Kriegspropaganda 1939–1941. Geheime Ministerkonferenzen im Reichspropagandaministerium, Stuttgart 1966, p. 431: conference on 19 July 1940. 154 Ibid., p. 492, conference on 6 September 1940. In September 1940 there were still 72,327 Jewish residents in Berlin; ibid., p. 510, conference on 17 September 1940. 155 Gruner, Reichshauptstadt, p. 245. 156 On the reasons, see Gruner, Öfentliche Wohlfahrt, pp. 265–268. 157 LA Berlin, Pr.Br.Rep. 107, Acc. 2133, No. 186 1–3, Nd. 2, fols. 5–6: letter Hettlage (General Building Inspector, Berlin), 11 February 1941. On this in detail, see Willems, Der entsiedelte Jude, pp. 180–257. See also Gruner, Reichshauptstadt, pp. 241–248. 158 See inter alia the exhibition catalogue: Der Krieg gegen die Sowjetunion 1941–1945. Eine Dokumentation, ed. Reinhard Rürup, Berlin 1991. 40 Ministry learned that Hitler had criticized the fact that Jews were still present in the city. Although he had not as yet decided that “Berlin immediately had to be cleansed of its Jews,” Goebbels nonethelesss believed that a suitable plan would ind favor with the Führer. So the representatives of Goebbels and Speer asked Eichmann and the RSHA to drat a “proposal on evacuating the Jews from Berlin.”159 As preparation for the mass transports, the Gestapo ordered the Gemeinde, now called the Jüdische Kultusvereinigung zu Berlin e.V. (Jewish Religious Association [registered society]) to slash operation expenses by dismissing 1,000 of its 2,750 staf members, teachers and temporary workers, and terminating all courses in manual crat skills.160 hose dismissed would be handed over to the Labor Oice. Although in March/April 1941, thus several thousand more Jews were integrated into forced labor, the available supply for industry was considered to have been exhausted. he Berlin Labor Oice already had negotiated with the Gestapo to deploy Jews from outside the city in the large industrial enterprises.161 In July 1941, the Berlin Labor Oice controlled an estimated 26,000 to 28,000 Jewish forced laborers, some 45 percent female, in far more than 230 irms.162 Most companies had already forced their Jewish laborers to wear yellow arm bands. Because of work on Saturday, they could not attend the Sabbath services, which is why the Jewish Community arranged extra religious services.163 But above all they had problems even to procure their limited food rations. he Zadek family in Berlin was denounced to the police by one Frau Obst for not having respected the permitted “shopping times for Jews.” he baker Hofmann who was then questioned by the police about this was vehement in disputing this claim. Reproached that the legally required sign on that prohibition for Jews was strangely missing, he laconically replied that he had lost it.164 he same women had already denounced the Zadeks to the police and accused them of continuously celebrating since the campaign against Russia had been 159 Institut für Zeitgeschichte/Archive Munich, MA-423, fols. 5604–5605: memo, 21 March 1941, on discussion, 20 March 1941. 160 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 45, fols. 77+RS: memo 7/41 on summons to Reich Security Main Oice, 20 February 1941; ibid., fol. 42: memo 21/41 on summons Exec. Comm. Jewish Community (JKV) to Reich Security Main Oice, 11 March 1941; ibid., No. 125, fol. 253: Chronicle 1941 (approx. end of August 1941). Cf. on this and the following: Als Zwangsarbeiterin 1941 in Berlin. Die Aufzeichnungen der Volkswirtin Elisabeth Freund, ed. Carola Sachse, Berlin 1996. 161 he irst camp set up by the Siemens-Schuckert Werke AG received 200 women from Frankfurt/M.; BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 45, fol. 50: memo 18/41 Eppstein (Reich Association) on phone call from Reich Security Main Oice, 7 March 1941. 162 Prochnik, Bericht, p. 5. On the number of irms, Gruner, Berichte, p. 316. 163 JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 51, 4 July 1941, p. 2; and LBI/Archive New York, Seeliger Coll., No. 2, no fols.: activity report, Jewish Community, 2nd Quarter 1941 (n. p.). See also Riesenburger, Martin, Das Licht verlöschte nicht, 2nd rev. ed., Berlin 1984, p. 14. 164 LA Berlin, B Rep. 020, Acc. 1201, No. 6948, fol. 134: 211th Police Precinct, Neukölln, logbook entry (No. 359), 25 August 1941; and ibid., fol. 135: 211th Police Precinct, Neukölln, logbook entry (No. 362), 28 August 1941. 41 launched.165 hough many Berlin Jews placed their hope in the Soviet Union, those hopes would not be fulilled in time, because their days were numbered, and transport to the East had been made ready. The mass deportations (September 1941 to November 1942) With the attack on the Soviet Union, the Nazis radicalized their course of action on all levels. In preparations for the mass deportations, the RSHA now intervened more directly in local policies of persecution. In late July/early August, Hitler initially ordered the deportation of the Jews from Berlin and some other cities.166 On 15 August a meeting on the “evacuation of the Jews” took place together with Eichmann in the Reich Propaganda Ministry. In this context, Goebbels wished to propose to Hitler to limit the food rations and the use of public transport for Jews, to require Jews in the Altreich (1937 Reich borders) to wear a distinctive badge, and to house all the Jews in Berlin in barracks camps.167 hen the Gestapo closed Berlin to Jews wishing to relocate there. From 19 September 1941 on, Jews were required to wear the “Yellow Star” and were not permitted to leave the city any longer. he capital was carpeted with an anti-Jewish propaganda campaign involving more than two hundred meetings.168 At the beginning of October, the Gestapo informed the Jewish Community about the “partial evacuation,” and the synagogue on Levetzowstraße was to be set up as assembly point.169 he irst deportation train let the city, destination Litzmannstadt (Łódź), on 18 October 1941. Down to November, more than 4,200 persons had been deported in four transports.170 While the vacating of apartments in the course of the deportation concurred with the interests of the Gestapo, the Speer Authority and the municipality, the rapid removal of Jews caused diiculties in the war economy. Since by now tens of thousands of Jews performed forced labor important to the armaments industry, the 165 Ibid., fol. 105: 211th Police Precinct, Neukölln, logbook entry (No. 268), 23 June 1941. 166 On this in detail, see Gruner, Kollektivausweisung, pp. 21–62. 167 Such camps were established in several regions and a number of cities. For detail, see Chap. 2 in Gruner, Wolf, Jewish Forced Labor under the Nazis. Economic Needs and Racial Aims (1938–1944), New York 2006. On the meeting, see Lösener, Bernhard, Das Reichsministerium des Innern und die Judengesetzgebung, in: Vierteljahreshete für Zeitgeschichte 9 (1961), No. 3, 302–303, memo Lösener (Reich Interior Ministry) on meeting, 15 August 1941; and Pätzold, Verfolgung, Doc. 278, p. 304, memo on conversation, 15 August 1941 in Reich Ministry for Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda. 168 Als Zwangsarbeiterin 1941 in Berlin, p. 145. 169 Henschel, Hildegard, Aus der Arbeit der Jüdischen Gemeinde Berlin während der Jahre 1941–1943, in: Zeitschrit für die Geschichte der Juden 9 (1972), Nos. 1/2, p. 34; LBI/Archive New York, Memoire Coll.: „Bericht 23./24. 7. 1958“ by Martha Mosse, p. 9; memo on direct discussion, Löwenherz with Brunner, 2 October 1941, quoted in Safrian, Hans, Die Eichmann-Männer, Vienna 1993, p. 120. (Englisch translation: Eichmann’s Men, New York 2009). 170 See for more details: Berliner Juden im Getto Litzmannstadt 1941–1944. Ein Gedenkbuch, comp. by Ingo Loose, ed. Stitung Topographie des Terrors, Berlin 2009. 42 Berlin Labor Oice, in contrast with towns and cities elsewhere, could convince the Gestapo to agree to heed the interests of industry. However, in the second transport wave to Riga and Minsk, from the end of November 1941 to the end of January 1942, despite the agreements, the Gestapo also deported several thousand forced laborers from factories vital to the war efort.171 he passengers in the irst transport from Berlin that arrived in Riga were executed on 30 November 1941 in the course of murder operations against the local Latvian Jews.172 For many of the persecuted, stigmatization, isolation and the fear of deportations robbed the last vestige of courage to go on. In 1941, the Jewish cemetery Berlin-Weißensee recorded 267 suicides. Just in the second half of October alone ater the transports began, 79 Jews committed suicide in Berlin.173 When the notorious conference on organizing the annihilation of the European Jews took place at Lake Wannsee in Berlin on 20 January 1942, only something over 58,000 Jews still lived in the city.174 In this phase, Ludwig Steeg, who had functioned as acting Lord Mayor ater the removal of Lippert in 1940, ordered pensions and related beneits for Jews in Berlin halted. In reply to the Reich Interior Ministry, which sought to intervene, he pointed on 23 March 1942 “to the justiied expectation” of a further “relocation” of the Jews into the Eastern territories toward the end of the winter. Ater some dithering – the deputy Berlin Gauleiter Görlitzer threatened among other things to bring in Goebbels – the ministry dropped its opposition to the local provision.175 On 28 March, the RSHA resumed the deportations which had been halted for two months due to a lack of rail capacity. Because of the large number of forced laborers in Berlin, the Gestapo sought a compromise between the needs of the armaments industry for manpower and the plans for transports. It now planned to irst deport all those unit for labor, and then to intern the forced workers separated from their families at the irms within “closed camps.”176 From May 1942, Berlin forbade the Jews from entering additional Berlin streets and avenues: all of Unter den Linden, Tauentzien and part of the Kurfürstendamm. Now they were required to register their domestic pets, and later had to hand them 171 On forced labor and the deportations in detail, see Gruner, Geschlossener Arbeitseinsatz, pp. 273–293. 172 On this, cf. Angrick, Andrej/Klein, Peter, Die „Endlösung“ in Riga. Ausbeutung und Vernichtung 1941– 1944, Darmstadt 2006, pp. 160–165. (English translation: he “Final Solution” in Riga, Oxford 2009). 173 Figure based on Fischer, Erzwungener Freitod, pp. 15, 121–129. 174 On the conference, see Pätzold, Kurt/Schwarz, Erika, Tagesordnung: Judenmord. Die Wannseekonferenz am 20. Januar 1942. Eine Dokumentation zur Organisation der „Endlösung“, Berlin 1992; see also Roseman, Mark, he Wannsee Conference and the Final Solution: A Reconsideration, New York 2003. 175 Letter, Lord Mayor Berlin to Reich Interior Ministry, 23 March 1942, quoted in Adam, Judenpolitik, p. 342; BA Berlin, R 1501 (former R 18), No. 5519, fols. 497–498: memo, Chief State Secretary (Reich Interior Ministry), 14 May 1942. 176 On this in detail, see Gruner, Geschlossener Arbeitseinsatz, pp. 264–265. 43 over to the authorities.177 he Central Food Oice issued an order that non-rationed food items could only be sold to Jews ater the needs “of the German consumers” had irst been met.178 he arson operation by the resistance group Herbert Baum directed at the Nazi propaganda exhibition “he Soviet Paradise,” in which ive Jews were implicated, occurred during this period. For that reason, the Gestapo summoned representatives of the Berlin Community and the Reich Association on 29 May 1942 and informed them about the arrest of 500 Berlin Jews as reprisal. Of these, 250 had been immediately shot, and the remaining 250 had been sent to a concentration camp.179 Hitler pressed once more for the rapid deportation of all Jews.180 At the beginning of June 1942, the Gestapo organized the irst transports of the elderly, decorated combat veterans and other “privileged” groups to the transit ghetto in heresienstadt. he deportees included the veteran head of the Jewish Community, Heinrich Stahl. Just a few days before, he had been forced to move as a subtenant into new lodgings, since the area of Dahlem in Berlin was quickly to rendered “Jew-free.”181 Now, the Gestapo emptied many of the homes for the elderly. hose selected were oten brought by streetcar through the city to the Anhalter train station, and then put aboard extra cars attached to the regular scheduled passenger train to Prague. In this openly visible way, the Gestapo would deport a total of some 15,000 Berlin Jews in the years to follow.182 At the end of July 1942, the Gestapo demanded from the Jewish Community that it compile a new card-catalogue registry of all Jews in Berlin.183 he State Police Oice (Staatspolizeileitstelle, i.e. District Gestapo Oice), headed by Otto Bovensiepen and Dr. Kurt Venter, who in the fall of 1941 had organized the irst transports from Düsseldorf, received instructions for the Berlin transports from the RSHA. hese transports were organzed by the Oice for Jewish Afairs (Judenreferat) at the Staatspolizeileitstelle, a unit headed by Dr. Edwin Kunz with a team of more than 25, most former detectives; later on, more SS personnel joined the staf. During the summer, transports to the 177 178 179 180 Henschel, Aus der Arbeit der Jüdischen Gemeinde, p. 40. Amtsblatt der Reichshauptstadt Berlin 83 (1942), No. 24, 14 June 1940, p. 344. BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 8, fol. 109: memo, Reich Association, 29 May 1942. Joseph Goebbels. Die Tagebücher des Joseph Goebbels. Sämtliche Fragmente, ed. Elke Fröhlich im Autrag des Instituts für Zeitgeschichte und mit Unterstützung des Staatlichen Archivdienstes Rußlands, Teil II: Diktate 1941–1945, Vol. 7, Munich 1993, p. 405, entry of 30 May 1942. 181 Simon, Stahl, p. 24; and letter from Stahl, 10 June 1942; ibid., p. 34. 182 Jah, Akim, Vom Altenheim zum Sammellager. Die Große Hamburger Str. 26, die Deportation der Berliner Juden und das Personal der Stapoleitstelle Berlin, in: Milotová, Jaroslava/Hájková, Anna (eds.), heresienstädter Studien und Dokumente 2007, Prague 2008, pp. 176–219. Cf. idem, Die Deportation der Juden aus Berlin. Das Sammellager Große Hamburger Straße im Kontext der nationalsozialistischen Vernichtungspolitik, Berlin 2013. 183 BA Berlin, R 8150, Film 52407-23, fol. 103: memo Kozower on consultation with Gestapo, 29 July 1942; ibid., fol. 112: memo Henschel on consultation with the Gestapo, 29 July 1942. 44 Generalgouvernement principally were assembled at the Levetzowstraße synagogue, the recently emptied home for the elderly on Große Hamburger Straße served for organizing the transports to heresienstadt.184 While 68 residents of the home for the aged at Köpenick-Mahlsdorfer Straße, now one of 21 Jewish elderly and nursing homes in Berlin, were deported between 20 and 24 August with regularly scheduled trains to heresienstadt,185 on 17 August a special train with almost 1,000 persons departed the Moabit freight train station for the same destination.186 At the beginning of September 1942, only 46,658 Jews still lived in Berlin.187 he Gestapo had already notiied the municipality that another 13,000 people were to be deported.188 he Gestapo mandated the Jewish Community to put together a new card-catalogue registry with data from the Berlin Labor Oice. here were still some 29,500 Jews slated for possible deportation to the East, now mainly with the destination of Riga: 27,000 forced laborers (and their relatives) and 2,500 employees of Jewish institutions and facilities. For heresienstadt, there were some 6,000 potential deportees. Approximately 11,000 “non-wearers of the Star badge,” i.e. Jews in “privileged mixed marriages” and Mischlinge (persons of “mixed” Jewish blood) would remain. he Gestapo stipulated that those irst to be deported would be individuals on any form of social welfare assistance.189 In September 1942, the Gestapo deported more than 3,000 Jews from Berlin, some two-thirds in two special trains to heresienstadt.190 Next, the security police targeted the staf workers at Jewish institutions and facilities. Since mid-October, the Gestapo carried out selection in the Jewish Community oices. It deported a fourth of the 1,416 staf members to Riga on 26 October. When 20 staf workers led, the Gestapo arrested a similar number of representatives of the Community and the Reich Association, and later eight of these were executed. In this month of October, most of the deportees from the Altreich came from Berlin, a total of 2,971 persons.191 Due to arrests ater embezzlement cases in the Gestapo Oice for Jewish Afairs, and in order to press ahead with deportations, at the end of October the RSHA ordered Alois Brunner and his team of specialists in Vienna to come to Berlin.192 hey intro184 Jah, Vom Altenheim zum Sammellager, pp. 182–190. On the organization of the Berlin deportations, see also idem, Deportation der Juden aus Berlin. 185 Lüdersdorf, Gerd, Es war ihr Zuhause. Juden in Köpenick, Berlin 1998, pp. 24–25; idem, Juden im Bezirk Köpenick 1812–1945, Berlin 1993, pp. 22–24. 186 Jah, Vom Altenheim zum Sammellager, p. 189. 187 75,816 Jews in the Altreich; YV Jerusalem, 08/No. 14, no fols.: September Statistics of the Reich Association. 188 LA Berlin, B Rep. 239, Acc. 302, No. 7, no fols.: Report on the economic situation, City President Berlin/ State Economic Oice, for July/August 1942, 8 September 1942, p. 12. 189 Gruner, Reichshauptstadt, p. 250. 190 YV Jerusalem, 08/No. 14, no fols.: September Statistics of the Reich Association. 191 Ibid.: October Statistics of the Reich Association. 192 hey remained until January 1943; Safrian, Eichmann-Männer, pp. 189–192; Jah, Vom Altenheim zum Sammellager, pp. 191–193. 45 duced radical methods, in signiicant part because of the growing number of Jews who were leeing. Without warning, they carried out raids, rounding up all the residents on entire streets. he home for the elderly on Große Hamburger Straße and the Levetzowstraße synagogue had to be cleared of furnishings in order to accommodate up to 1,500 persons for the transports.193 Now the Berlin transports to the East were bound solely for the Auschwitz concentration camp in eastern Upper Silesia. In November 1942, a total of 1,442 Berlin Jews were deported, of these 441 to heresienstadt. Among the deportees were also 48 children from the children’s nursing home and child orphanage Niederschönhausen-Moltkestraße.194 Fear of the transports rose among the remaining Berlin Jews. Since terrible news spread about the fate of the deportees, ever more persons sought to escape the threatening transports. Whoever could not ind assistance from non-Jews in Berlin had no chance. hus, for example, the police arrested a sleeping Jew by the name of Brünn in the air raid shelter Windscheidstraße and handed him over to the Gestapo.195 Along with many women and the elderly, meanwhile even entire families decided suicide was the best option, as in July 1942 when the 60-year-old Else Brill and her sister and brother-in-law chose this path. While from 1933 to 1937, the Jewish Community had registered 267 suicides in a Jewish population of over 100,000, in 1942 she buried 823 Jews who had taken their own lives, although the Berlin Jewish population had decreased to only several tens of thousands.196 The deportation of the forced laborers (December 1942 to February/March 1943) At the end of November 1942, there were 35,246 Jews still resident in Berlin.197 Of the 13,000 deportees announced in September, the regime had been able to deport only 7,500 down to the end of November. On 22 November, the Gestapo issued an order that all Jews in Berlin, including so-called Geltungsjuden, “persons deemed to be Jewish,” had to be quickly registered, giving their residence and employment.198 Since many did not submit a report form, the Gestapo set a new deadline, and threatened 193 Gruner, Reichshauptstadt, p. 251; Jah, Vom Altenheim zum Sammellager, pp. 192–193. 194 YV Jerusalem, 08/No. 14, no fols.: November Statistics of the Reich Association; and ibid., No. 294, no fols.: Excerpt from Transport List, 19–29 November 1942. 195 LA Berlin, B Rep. 020, Acc. 1093, No. 6937, fol. 18: logbook, 129th Police Precinct Charlottenburg, 17 December 1942. 196 Fischer, Erzwungener Freitod, pp. 15–16, 35. 197 YV Jerusalem, 08/No. 14, no fols.: November Statistics of the Reich Association. 198 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 3, fol. 6: memo on 22 November 1942; JNBl., No. 48, 27 November 1942, p. 1. Geltungsjuden under the Nuremberg Law supplementary legislation comprised three categories: 1. the ofspring of an intermarriage who belonged to the Jewish community ater 1935; 2. the ofspring of an intermarriage who was married to a Jew ater 1935; 3. the illegitimate child of a Geltungsjude, born ater 1935. 46 sanctions for non-compliance.199 Originally the RSHA planned to deport all Jewish forced laborers now, but that plan was scrapped since too few Poles could be brought into the Reich and trained as replacement workers. For that reason, the Gestapo announced to private entrepreneurs that the binding date for inal deportation of Jews was 31 March 1943.200 From December 1942 to February 1943, more than 7,600 Berlin Jews were deported.201 he deportees comprised representatives of the Reich Association and the Jewish Community, such as Leo Baeck and Paul Eppstein. he Berlin authorities saw themselves unable to assess the value and to make available the belongings let behind fast enough, due to the rapidly accelerating deportations. he Chief Regional Tax Administrator, the municipality and furniture dealers sat together to determine the prices for the furniture coniscated from “3,000 Judenwohnungen,” which was to be sold of to 12 furniture stores.202 In view of the defeat now looming at Stalingrad, Hitler and Goebbels wished to solve the “Jewish question” as quickly as possible: “As long as there are still Jews in Berlin, we have no internal security.”203 In February 1943, some 27,000 Jews still lived in the capital, more than half of the entire remaining Jewish population in the Altreich.204 In the middle of that same month, the Nationalist Socialist leadership decided on the time schedule for inal deportations.205 he RSHA published new transport guidelines for Auschwitz and heresienstadt (“mixed marriages” were exempted) and ordered a large-scale operation against forced laborers for the last week in February.206 he swoop, later termed “Fabrik-Aktion” (“Factory Operation”), took place across the Reich on 27 February. But its central focus was in Berlin, with a population of more than 11,000 forced laborers and their relatives. he Gestapo informed the Reich Association and the irms on the eve of the raid, and the municipal police (Schutzpolizei) the next morning. Along with existing camps, provisional assembly points in barracks or administrative buildings in Berlin-Mitte and Moabit districts were prepared to receive those rounded up and detained. Several thousand women, men and children had to wait under catastrophic conditions for several days until deportation, 199 JNBl., No. 50, 11 December 1942, p. 1. 200 Gruner, Widerstand in der Rosenstraße, pp. 42–45. 201 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 69, fol. 144: Statistics, Reich Association, 6 January 1943; ibid., fol. 116: Statistics, Reich Association, 12 February 1943; ibid., fol. 81: Statistics, Reich Association , 12 March 1943. On the igures from January to March 1943, see Ball-Kaduri, Berlin wird judenfrei, pp. 214–218. 202 LA Berlin, B Rep. 208, Acc. 9301, No. 1651, fol. 93: memo, Economic Oice Berlin-Spandau, 18 December 1942; ibid., fol. 94: express letter, Lord Mayor, 22 February 1943. 203 Goebbels, Die Tagebücher, Teil II, Vol. 7, p. 177, entry of 23 January 1943. 204 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 69, fol. 81: Statistics, Reich Association, 12 March 1943. 205 Goebbels, Die Tagebücher, Teil II, Vol. 7, p. 369, entry of 18 February 1943. 206 On this and the following in detail, see Gruner, Widerstand in der Rosenstraße, pp. 47–59. 47 while the Gestapo checked their identity and inance oicials robbed them of their assets. Up to 6 March 1943, the Gestapo deported some 7,000 persons to Auschwitz, and down to the month’s end the igure rose to just under 8,000. Including transports to heresienstadt, between 9,215 and 9,328 Berlin Jews became victims of the largest single wave of deportations for some time.207 The end of the Jews in Berlin (March/April 1943 to April 1945) In the face of the brutal large-scale operation, within the span of two weeks far more than 100 Berlin Jews chose to take their own lives.208 he diary of the 173rd police precinct in Berlin-Schöneberg alone recorded 12 cases. he married couple Jacoby ended their lives in their apartment on 8 March 1943, ater their co-tenant had been “evacuated.”209 Fritz and Regina Weiß had committed suicide with their three daughters on 5 March 1943.210 he best known case is perhaps the death on 10 March 1943 of the 85-year-old Martha Liebermann, the widow of the painter Max Liebermann.211 During the Factory Operation, the Gestapo also removed the Jews in “mixed marriages” and those classiied as “Geltungsjuden” from the enterprises where they had performed forced labor. he Gestapo released a number, yet conined 2,000 of them in an administrative building of the Jewish community on Rosenstraße. his amounted to a quarter of all Berlin Jews from “mixed marriages.” he Gestapo checked their “racial status” and selected then several hundred qualiied persons from their ranks as replacement personnel for work in Jewish facilities in order to be able to deport the last non-protected staf workers of the Jewish Community.212 he wellknown protest by hundreds of women and men on Rosenstraße was courageous and unprecedented, but there were actually no plans to deport their relatives.213 Ater the new staf personnel at the Jewish Community and the Reich Association had been briefed about their jobs, the Gestapo proceeded up to the end of March with deportation of the irst batch of former staf workers they had replaced.214 Ater these March deportations, only 18,515 Jews oicially registered as residents in the capital.215 In the 207 For a detailed account, see Gruner, ibid., pp. 59–87. 208 Only the Jewish cemetery alone recorded 98 cases between 26 February and 12 March 1943. he number of unreported cases is certainly far higher. Figure based on Fischer, Erzwungener Freitod, pp. 153–160. 209 LA Berlin, B Rep. 020, Acc. 1124, No. 6941, fols. 54–73: entries, 28 February to 9 March 1943. 210 Fischer, Erzwungener Freitod, p. 92. 211 Ibid., p. 63. 212 On these events in detail, see Gruner, Widerstand in der Rosenstraße, pp. 95–190. 213 he view that such demonstrations could have impeded the deportation plans of the RSHA can be found in Ball-Kaduri, Berlin wird judenfrei, p. 214; Stoltzfus, Nathan, Widerstand des Herzens. Der Aufstand der Berliner Frauen in der Rosenstraße – 1943, Munich/Vienna 1999. For a somewhat more diferentiated approach, see Jochheim, Gernot, Frauenprotest in der Rosenstraße, Berlin 1993, pp. 27–28, 136. 214 Ball-Kaduri, Berlin wird judenfrei, pp. 215–216, 221. 215 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 69, fol. 57: Statistics, Reich Association, 6 April 1943. 48 following months, the Gestapo then deported the last of the former staf workers, mainly to heresienstadt, including the head of the Jewish Community since 1940, Moritz Henschel.216 he facility on Große Hamburger Straße now served once again as the collection point and camp for all transports from Berlin.217 On 10 June 1943, the Gestapo liquidated the Reich Association and the Jüdische Kultusvereinigung zu Berlin (i.e. Jewish Community), which had been incorporated into it in late January 1943, and coniscated all assets. Berlin earlier on, as other municipalities, had already acquired a large segment of the assets of the Jewish Community. In the spring of 1943, the Berlin municipality purchased, for a sum in excess of 1.3 million RM, the buildings last used as collection camps at Große Hamburger Straße 26, Auguststraße 14–16 and 17, and the plot of land of the former synagogue at Rykestraße 53.218 In addition, from 1941 to 1944 the city acquired more than 20 other properties.219 Forced labor and increasing isolation now also beset the everyday life of Jews in “mixed marriages” and Jewish “Mischlinge.” Along with administering to patients, the Jewish Hospital in Berlin served in the future as the site of the oices of the Rump Association that was responsible for these groups. From the spring of 1944, the Gestapo also started to use it as a camp for interned Jews or those in conscript labor for the SS. Repeatedly, smaller deportation transports were organized from there.220 Many of those deported had previously led earlier transports and had now been reported to the police.221 Since the beginning of deportations, some 7,000 Jews had attempted to survive in Berlin illegally, and just during the Factory Operation alone, more than 4,000 had led into hiding and gone underground.222 Since March 1943, the Nazi leadership had been begun to discuss once again, as in 1942 with no result, the idea of imposing a “forced divorce” on couples in mixed marriages.223 Soon however, only if the partners “with German blood” could stand up to the massive public pressure would they be able to save their spouses. On 18 Decem216 See Lowenthal, Ernst G., Von Moritz Veit bis Heinrich Stahl. Gemeindevorsteher von 1845 bis 1943. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Juden in Berlin, in: Der Bär von Berlin. Jahrbuch des Vereins für die Geschichte Berlins 28 (1979), pp. 90–91. 217 Jah, Vom Altenheim zum Sammellager, pp. 198–200; see more in detail also idem, Deportation der Juden aus Berlin. 218 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1944, Teil XI, p. 2, No. 1; ibid., 1944, Teil XI, p. 4, No. 1. 219 Ibid., 1943, Teil XI, pp. 2–16, Nos. 1–4; ibid., 1944, Teil XI, pp. 2–14, Nos. 1–4. 220 Elkin, Krankenhaus, pp. 60–61. 221 See on this in detail: Tausendfreund, Doris, Erzwungener Verrat. Jüdische „Greifer“ im Dienst der Gestapo 1943–1945, Berlin 2006. See also Heimann, Siegfried, Polizeiberichte aus Berlin-Schöneberg, in: Die Metropole. Industriekultur in Berlin im 20. Jahrhundert, Vol. 2, Munich 1986, pp. 260–261. 222 On this, see Schoppmann, Claudia, Die „Fabrikaktion“ in Berlin. Hilfe für untergetauchte Juden als Form humanitären Widerstandes, in: Zeitschrit für Geschichtswissenschat 53 (2005), No. 2, pp. 138–148; Kosmala, Beate/Schoppmann, Claudia, Überleben im Untergrund. Hilfe für Juden in Deutschland 1941–1945, Berlin 2002; Benz, Wolfgang (ed.), Überleben im Dritten Reich. Juden im Untergrund und ihre Helfer, Munich 2003. 223 Gruner, Widerstand in der Rosenstraße, pp. 178–181. 49 ber 1943, Gestapo chief Heinrich Müller categorically ordered the deportation of all Jews from no longer existing “mixed marriages” to heresienstadt, i.e. unions where a spouse had died or their had been a divorce.224 Only three weeks later, on 10 January 1944, the Berlin Gestapo then deported more than 350 persons in this category to heresienstadt. In the following months as well, the Gestapo deported dozens of individuals again and again in smaller transports to Auschwitz and heresienstadt. On 1 July 1944, there were 5,978 Jews still oicially resident in Berlin.225 Pressure was further increased on the “mixed marriages” still intact. With a second factory operation in the fall of 1944, non-Jewish spouses in “mixed marriages” and so-called “jüdisch Versippte” (persons with Jewish relatives), along with Jewish “Mischlinge,” were forcibly removed from their jobs. he regime then deployed them as forced laborers. Both groups, under greatly difering conditions, were put to work at extremely hard and exhausting menial work in labor camps throughout the Reich.226 On 15 January 1945, the RSHA ordered that all “able-bodied Jewish citizens living in mixed marriages as well as stateless Jews, male and female (including Geltungsjuden)” be deported to heresienstadt.227 hey did so without taking the “Aryan relatives” into further account, who mostly performed forced labor at places anyhow quite distant from their next of kin. Forewarned by the Reich Association rump organization by means of transport orders, many avoided deportation. In other localities, like in Berlin, there was a shortage of transport capacity.228 Nonetheless, up to the end of February 1945, in the Reich 1,629 Jews from “mixed marriages” were deported to heresienstadt in more than a dozen transports.229 At the end of February 1945, oicially 4,814 Jewish Germans lived in Berlin, mostly in “mixed marriages,” i.e. only a bit more than half the corresponding igure in 1942.230 A last transport let the city on 27 March 1945 with 42 passengers, destination 224 Lozowick, Yaacov, Hitler’s Bureaucrats. he Nazi Security Police and the Banality of Evil, London/New York 2000, p. 113. 225 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 9, fol. 56: Statistics, Reich Association, 1 July 1944. 226 On the forced deployment of “persons with Jewish relatives” in the framework of the forced deployment of “Mischlinge,” see in detail Chap. 3 in Gruner, Jewish Forced Labor under the Nazis. 227 Sauer, Paul (ed.), Dokumente über die Verfolgung der jüdischen Bürger in Baden-Württemberg durch das nationalsozialistische Regime 1933–1943, Teil II, Stuttgart 1966, p. 383, Doc. 550 a: Reich Security Main Oice, Decree, 15 January 1945, in Decree, Security Police, Baden-Elsass, 26 January 1945. 228 LBI/Archive New York, Ludwig Misch Coll.: Meine Beschätigung während des Krieges, p. 5. 229 heresienstädter Gedenkbuch. Die Opfer der Judentransporte aus Deutschland nach heresienstadt 1942– 1945, ed. Institut heresienstädter Initiative, Prague 2000, p. 89. 230 1,465 male Jews in “mixed marriages,” 1,230 male Jews in “privileged mixed marriages” and 2,119 females Jews in “mixed marriages.” In addition, there were 162 so-called “full Jews” (Volljuden), 821 so-called Geltungsjuden, 37 Geltungsjuden in a “simple mixed marriage,” 71 Geltungsjuden in a “privileged mixed marriage” and 68 female Geltungsjuden in “mixed marriages, ” a total of some 6,000 individuals; facsimile, statistics of 28 February 1945 in Hartung von Doetinchem, Dagmar, Zerstörte Fortschritte. Das Jüdische Krankenhaus in Berlin 1756–1861–1914–1989, in: idem/Wienau, Rolf (eds.), Zerstörte Fortschritte, Berlin 1989, p. 195. 50 heresienstadt. A total of more than 50,000 Berlin Jews, stripped of their assets, had been deported from the Reich capital, the command and control center for the policy of annihilation against European Jewry, in almost 60 separate transports to the East and in more than 120 trains to heresienstadt. (See tables at the end). In conclusion A careful look at the Berlin source materials contradicts the customary view of a passive Jewish population under persecution. Right from the outset, both individual and collective, spontaneous and organized resistance against the anti-Jewish policies existed. Because of the municipal measures of discrimination, the excesses of the SA, the arbitrary arrests and rigid police checks, more than ca. 80,000 German Jews led the country up to the war’s outbreak, oten under diicult circumstances and accompanied by the loss of their property and assets. Despite the terror against Jewish institutions and facilities, representatives of the Jewish Community and Jewish organizations repeatedly protested against the persecution to municipal and national authorities. Jewish irms intervened individually and in concert against boycotts. Many Jews did not obey the anti-Jewish regulations, and particularly opposed local rules and regulations. Quite a number spoke critically in public even if they risked being reported to the police and Gestapo. On the basis of that behavior, the police arrested Berlin Jews accusing them of treachery and malice, or handed them over to the Gestapo. Later such incidents were punished by incarceration in a concentration camp. Yet, also non-Jews repeatedly showed solidarity with the persecuted. A substantial number of them paid the price for their views and were sent to prison or concentration camp. Even ater the outbreak of the war, Jews disobeyed discriminatory regulations, such as bans on entering a particular place, wearing an identifying badge, or adhering to prescribed restricted hours for shopping. Many Jews led from conscript labor and the deportations, disappearing into the underground of the metropolis, where they tried to survive with the help of non-Jewish Berliners. Hundreds resorted to the inal act to resist deportation by suicide. Others participated in organized political resistance, such as the arson attack against the exhibition “Soviet Paradise.” Several even formed their own groups, such as “Chug Chaluzi,” founded by Jews in the underground in order to assist others illegally, when thousands decided to lee during the Factory Operation in 1943.231 231 Cox, John M., Circles of Resistance. Jewish, Letist and Youth Dissidence in Nazi Germany, New York 2009; Zahn, Christine, „Nicht mitgehen, sondern weggehen!“ Chug Chaluzi – eine jüdische Jugendgruppe im Untergrund, in: Vathke, Werner/Löhken, Wilfried, Juden im Widerstand. Drei Gruppen zwischen Überlebenskampf und politischer Aktion 1939–1945, Berlin 1993, pp. 159–205. 51 Since the establishment of the Nazi dictatorship in 1933 the Jewish residents in the Reich capital had lived in the conluence of two processes of persecution. Along with the national government under Hitler, the municipality discriminated Jews in the spheres of society, culture and the economy. Both the newly installed National Socialist State Commissioner Lippert and the German nationalist Lord Mayor Sahm drove developments forward. he district mayors and heads of the various municipal oices provided ideas for the measures adopted for Berlin as a whole, or went even beyond these. his involved dismissals of Jews from the administration, the cancellation of welfare payments and the beginning separation and segregation in public kindergartens and city markets. Like Berlin, a number of municipalities were quite a few steps ahead of central policy. hat was signiicantly spurred by the policies of the Council of German Municipalities. From the summer of 1935, the ledgling police chief Helldorf established a proile as a new actor on the stage of persecution. hrough his person, Goebbels in the following years would gain more inluence on policy toward the Jews in Berlin than he had as Gauleiter via the NSDAP. he city, inspired and legitimated in its actions by the Nuremberg Laws, expanded discrimination up to the end of 1937 by a battery of new regulations and ordinances, against shop owners, tenants in housing construction societies or visitors to public parks. he municipality, the Party and the police soon also prohibited private contacts and enjoined business and commercial interaction. Trials against Jews for sexual relations with non-Jews now constituted part of the round of everyday life in the local courts. Organizations for commerce and handicrat, health insurance companies, sports associations and private facilities participated actively in the separation and segregation of the Berlin Jewish population. From 1938 on, Goebbels sought to intervene more directly in the planning for persecution in Berlin, though without notable success. For that reason, through the agency of police chief Helldorf, he had the police harass and criminalize Jews in every imaginable way. If initially in this phase local and central interests oten conlicted with each other, the discussion ultimately served to accelerate coordination and centralization. Soon measures adopted in Berlin were integrated into national policy, especially ater the November 1938 pogrom and with the redesigned anti-Jewish program of the government. For the German Jews, this entailed, along with economic measures of coercion, total ghettoization in the sectors of education and training, culture, social welfare, employment and housing, and ater the war’s outbreak also in procurement of essentials for everyday life. Irrespective of the now dominant central strategies, even during wartime the Berlin authorities signiicantly shaped the concrete forms of persecution in the city. hough Lord Mayor Julius Lippert lost some inluence due to his diferences with Speer, his deputy and successor Steeg fully played out his role. he city and its districts invented 52 further modes of discrimination, such as restriction on shopping hours, General Building Inspector Speer pushed ahead with concentrating the Jewish tenants, and the Berlin Labor Oice organized the forced deployment of almost 30,000 men and women. Not until the beginning of the mass transports in 1941 did the RSHA rule over the policy of persecution. While the municipality came into conlict with the Gestapo in connection with a number of local measures, it was also able to prevail and implement some of its decisions. In retrospect, the Berlin municipal administration, with its regulations that jumped out ahead of the central government, radicalized policy against the Jews in a cool and calculated bureaucratic way far more than the Party formations with their riots and boycotts. Despite this fact, the former State Commissioner and Lord Mayor Lippert was able to look back as a prisoner of war without any regrets: “For seven years, from 1933 to 1940, I was at the head of municipal administration in the Reich capital Berlin. Ater the collapse […] every Berliner was able to pass judgment on me. None of the four and a half million residents of the former Reich capital reproached me for anything – and that is suicient for me.”232 he victims of his policies could no longer defend themselves; in part because of his restrictions, they had long since led the country or had been segregated, deported and murdered. Only a few thousand Jews, from a community once numbering more than 160,000 Jewish residents, survived in Berlin and would experience the downfall of the Nazi dictatorship.233 Ater liberation, about 4,700 Jewish “mixed marriage” partners still lived in the destroyed capital, 1,900 survivors from camps and ghettos (especially from heresienstadt), and some 1,400 Jews who had survived the years in hiding.234 Wolf Gruner Berlin/Los Angeles, July/August 2008 German edition; updated August 2013 for the English translation 232 Lippert, Julius, Lächle … und verbirg die Tränen. Erlebnisse und Bemerkungen eines deutschen „Kriegsverbrechers“, n.p 1955, p. 11. 233 50,500 Berlin Jews had been deported. A total of more than 55,600 Jewish Berliners died as a result of arrest, pogroms, suicide, deportation and mass murder; Gedenkbuch Berlins der jüdischen Opfer des Nationalsozialismus. „Ihre Namen mögen nie vergessen werden!“, ed. Freie Universität Berlin, Zentralinstitut für sozialwissenschatliche Forschung, Berlin 1995. 234 Weltlinger, Siegmund, „Hast Du es schon vergessen?“ Erlebnisbericht über die Verfolgung, Frankfurt/M. 1954, p. 7. According to Alexander, there were only 5,990; Alexander, Gabriel, Jüdische Bevölkerung Berlins nach 1871, in: Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für Deutsche Geschichte 20 (1991), p. 311. 53 C H R O N O LO G Y OF THE PERSECUTION MEASURES IN BERLIN 1933 1933 At the beginning of 1933, far more than 160,000 Jews lived in Berlin. On 31 January, Hitler was appointed Reich Chancellor. he National Socialists then proceeded to generate a political emergency situation. Ater the burning of the Reichstag, the government, with the “Decree of the Reich President for the Protection of the People and State,” revoked basic democratic civil rights on 28 February 1933. Step by step, a dictatorship was established. SA and SS persecuted and arrested political opponents in large numbers. In Berlin, that wave of detentions also swept up many politically active Jews and individuals of Jewish descent.235 12 FEBRUARY Under the telling title “Berlin Stroll: he Bugs,” the Berlin edition of the Völkischer Beobachter notes that one can easy spot the “racially alien Jews” in the cityscape of the Reich capital. hey would be like bugs that thrived nesting in corners, multiplying like lies. he author of the article argues that this scourge would require radical treatment. Only the “most powerful fumigation of the space in question” could get rid of these vermin.236 17 FEBRUARY SA men storm into the State Art Academy in Berlin-Schöneberg in the aternoon and disrupt examinations. hey forcibly manhandle and remove several Jewish and Marxist professors and beat up students trying to protect them.237 23 FEBRUARY On Kurfürstendamm and Tauentzienstraße, in preceding days, uniformed Nazis had distributed a brochure by the Nazi author Johann von Leers with the call: “he Demand of the Hour: Jews Must Go!” In response, the newspaper of the Central Association of German Citizens of the Jewish Faith (Central-Verein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens) now protests publicly against the rising tidal wave of anti-Jewish propaganda by the NSDAP, especially the slurs against the Jewish religious communities.238 EARLY MARCH he SA carries out raids in the Scheunenviertel in Berlin-Mitte. Jewish Berliners are robbed, arrested and sent to so-called “wild” i.e. improvised makeshit concentration camps.239 235 Entries here in italics contain reference to operations or laws afecting the entire Reich. hey are deemed largely well-known and thus have not been further documented in individual instances. 236 VB (Berlin edition), Nos. 43/44, 12/13 February 1933, Berliner Beobachter. Tägliches Beiblatt, p. 2. 237 According to Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, 17/18 February 1933 and Das Tagebuch, 25 February 1933; quoted in Wulf, Joseph, Die bildenden Künste im Dritten Reich. Eine Dokumentation, Reinbek 1966, p. 13. 238 C.V.-Zeitung, No. 8, 23 February 1933, pp. 58–59. 239 Manchester Guardian, 27 March 1933; quoted in Der gelbe Fleck, pp. 20–21; see Wippermann, Wolfgang, Steinerne Zeugen. Stätten der Judenverfolgung in Berlin, Berlin 1982, p. 100. 56 1933 9 MARCH SA units march to the stock exchange, demanding the resignation of the “Jewish board of the exchange.”240 MID-MARCH SA stormtroopers want that a black, white and red lag (the so-called national lag of the German Empire) mounted on the New Synagogue on Oranienburger Straße be taken down. Only ater repeated pressure and threats from the SA does the local police precinct headquarters agree to the removal of the lag.241 Julius Lippert, appointed at this time to the newly created oice of State Commissioner for Berlin, issues a decree that Jewish lawyers can no longer be active in connection with legal afairs of the municipality of Berlin (Decree, State Commissioner for Berlin).242 17 MARCH In a discussion with acting district mayors, Berlin State Commissioner Lippert orders them to dismiss as soon as possible “Jewish Communists and Social Democrats” who are employed as physicians at municipal hospitals.243 19 MARCH he Berlin edition of the Völkischer Beobachter calls for anti-Jewish “cleansing operations” in the courts of the capital, inter alia raising the question: “How long is Moabit […] going to be considered the New Jerusalem of the judicial system?”244 he Local Court Berlin-Mitte dismisses all Jewish judges from posts in administration immediately, and in the criminal divisions in the Criminal Court, Summary Court and Youth Court for the new iscal year beginning 1 April 1933. he same measures are introduced at the State Court (Landgericht) I. Its president directs that three new heads of the Criminal Chamber should be appointed already the following week to the Criminal Court to replace three outgoing heads of the Criminal Chamber. 240 VB (North German edition), 10 March 1933, p. 2. 241 YV Jerusalem, 051/OSOBI (721-1-2152), No. 364, fol. 1: Letter, Central-Verein, 17 March 1933 responding to an inquiry by Hans Roth, of 13 March 1933; see also Meyer, Michael A. (ed.), German-Jewish History in Modern Times, Vol. IV: Renewal and Destruction 1918–1945, eds. Avraham Barkai/Paul Mendes-Flohr, with an epilogue by Steven M. Lowenstein, New York 1998, p. 273. 242 Vossische Zeitung, 18 March 1933; see Walk, Josef (ed.), Das Sonderrecht für die Juden im NS-Staat. Eine Sammlung der gesetzlichen Maßnahmen – Inhalt und Bedeutung, Heidelberg 1981, I/No. 10, p. 5. Cf. LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fol. 28: letter, Jewish Community, 29 June 1933. 243 Frankfurter Zeitung, 18 March 1933; see Das Schwarzbuch – Tatsachen und Dokumente. Die Lage der Juden in Deutschland, ed. Comité des Délégations Juives (Reprint Paris edition 1934), Frankfurt/M. 1983, p. 197. 244 VB (Berlin edition), 19 March 1933, quoted in Der gelbe Fleck, p. 22. (One important local court was located in Berlin-Moabit). 57 1933 At the other Berlin criminal courts (District Courts II and III), for some time now there have only been very few Jewish judges on active duty.245 A dozen SA stormtroopers force their way around 8:15 a.m. into the building of the Zionist Organization for Germany. he men cut the telephone lines, force those present to open the cabinets, and steal cash and stamps. During the intrusion, they grab lists with names of Jews stemming from Eastern Europe and other papers. hey also look for the president of the Zionist Organization at his home, but do not ind him there.246 20 MARCH At the Moabit Hospital, the newly appointed municipal health inspector Klein suspends a number of Jewish physicians, doctors who are foreigners or who belong to Marxist parties. hey are prohibited from entering the hospital.247 he Berlin Motion Picture heater Association reacts to “the changed situation in regard to association politics, and contemporary needs.” he executive committee of the association, some of whose members are Jews, resigns.248 21 MARCH he Völkischer Beobachter publishes a report that the Berlin criminal courts are now “Jew-free.” All Jewish judges have been dismissed or are facing dismissal. As a matter of principle, no Jewish prosecutors are to be admitted any longer as representatives for the public prosecutor’s oice.249 22 MARCH he State Commissioner for Special Duties, Dr. Lippert, recommends to the Lord Mayor that he dissolve as soon as possible the contractual relationship with the “Jewish printing irm W. Löwenthal & Co.” he irm, he says, has a monopoly at the municipality for print jobs. It handles the highest proportion of the print jobs tendered by the municipality, for example the printing of the oicial journal of the municipality, the drats of the agendas for invitations, the social welfare journal, ofprints and the main budget plan. he print jobs should, he stresses, be distributed to several eicient German companies.250 245 Based on report in the German-Nationalistic journal “Montag”, 20 March 1933; Jüdische Rundschau, No. 23, 21 March 1933, p. 2. 246 Central Zionist Archives (CZA) Jerusalem, S 25, No. 9703, no fols.: “Conidential Report on the Zionist Situation in Germany”, London, 24 March 1933, p. 2. 247 VB (North German edition), 21 March 1933; see Schwarzbuch, p. 197. 248 Film-Kurier, 21 March 1933; printed in: Weiss, Georg (ed.), Einige Dokumente zur Rechtsstellung der Juden und zur Entziehung ihres Vermögens 1933–1945, n p. 1954, p. 17. 249 VB (North German edition), 21 March 1933. 250 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1739, fol. 1: State Commissioner Lippert to Lord Mayor Sahm, 22 March 1933 (sent 23 March 1933). 58 1933 25 MARCH A discussion is held with the Berlin Procurement Oice at the oice of State Commissioner Mayor Dr. Maretzky. Representatives of the Fighting Alliance for the Industrial Middle Classes, Professional Group Food Trade, issue a demand that the municipality should only be permitted to authorize suppliers who support the national revolution; the municipality agrees. hey state that the contracts currently valid until 30 June or 30 September must be declared invalid. In all groups of commodities, 80 percent of suppliers to the municipality should in future be members of the NSDAP and 20 percent members of the German National People’s Party (DNVP).251 In the Scheunenviertel in Berlin, posters are paraded on which Christian parents are warned about the upcoming Jewish Passover, and told to safeguard their children.252 26 MARCH A number of Berlin municipal districts dismiss Jewish physicians. he District Oice Neukölln, “in the framework of the cleansing operation,” ires 12 Jewish physicians, along with three Jewish female physicians at the municipal mothers’ home and baby nursery. he District Oice Wedding takes action against ive Jewish doctors on the staf.253 28 MARCH he Doctors’ House Berlin is occupied by the SA. he executive board of the Berlin Chamber of Physicians is forced to resign. In a meeting, ultimately all Jewish members of the executive board step down.254 he district Berlin Friedrichshain dismisses 21 Jewish social welfare physicians efective 30 June, together with a ban on practice and “voluntary” renunciation of remuneration from 1 April (By order of the acting district mayor).255 he district Berlin Spandau dismisses Jewish physicians in the municipal hospital there as well as Jewish doctors working in social welfare health care. he expulsion is linked with their immediate suspension from duty, efective 1 April.256 29 MARCH he Berlin Lord Mayor instructs the main oices, individual districts and municipal companies “efective 1 April 1933, to make all purchases exclusively at such irms that can guarantee beyond any doubt they stand irm on the fundament of the national 251 252 253 254 255 256 Ibid., fol. 7: discussion, State Commissioner Maretzky, 25 March 1933. CZA Jerusalem, S 25, No. 9703, no fols.: anonymous letter, London, 28 March 1933. Frankfurter Zeitung, 27 March 1933; Schwarzbuch, pp. 197–198. Vossische Zeitung, 29 March and 8 April 1933; see Schwarzbuch, p. 206. LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fols. 27–28: letter, Jewish Community, 29 June 1933. Vossische Zeitung, 30 March 1933; see Schwarzbuch, p. 198. 59 1933 upheaval.” He notes that the Berlin Procurement Oice would soon issue a list of those corporations “whose contractual permits are still valid, but which for justiied reasons, due to non-utilization of services, are to be eliminated.”257 30 MARCH Berlin State Commissioner Lippert prohibits municipal oices from placing ads in the purportedly “Jewish” press, such as the papers Berliner Tageblatt, Vossische Zeitung, the Morgenpost, Tempo, and Acht-Uhr-Abendblatt (Circular decree of the State Commissioner to the municipal administration, District Oices and municipal companies).258 In the future, the Municipal Health Insurance Agency will not longer allow medical treatment by Jewish physicians. Members should likewise avoid utilizing the services of Jewish pharmacists, clinics, truss makers, opticians, owners of swimming pools, massage centers, institutes for light therapy and X-ray, and dentists (Circular decree A No. 155, head of the Municipal Health Insurance Agency in Berlin [Städtische Krankenversicherungsanstalt zu Berlin]).259 31 MARCH he Jewish physicians and surgeons in the Main Health Oice are suspended.260 he State Commissioner for Berlin Health Services decides that Jewish social welfare physicians must leave municipal service efective from 1 April 1933 (Decree of the State Commissioner for the Berlin Health Services).261 he Local Court Berlin-Mitte and the Berlin State Court are stormed by a “large crowd” demanding “dismissal of the Jewish judges,” according to one source; according to another, it is stormtroopers of the “SA” protesting. he Jewish judges still active there are replaced by “Aryan” judges, and in part by “Aryan” assistant judges.262 he Berlin Action Committee for the Anti-Jewish Boycott seeks to include the modern media in the boycott planned on 1 April. “Photographers and ilm cameramen” will roam through the streets and photograph or ilm persons who intend to shop at “Jewish stores.” here is discussion about whether these incriminating photos and ilm 257 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1739, fol. 9: copy, Circular decree, 29 March 1933, to all central oices, district oices and municipal companies. 258 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1933, Teil I, p. 122, No. 66: Decree by Lippert. 259 Jüdische Rundschau, 4 April 1933; see Schwarzbuch, p. 209. See LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fol. 35: statement by Hafemann, 5 October 1933. 260 Vossische Zeitung, 1 April 1933; see Schwarzbuch, p. 198. 261 Jüdische Rundschau, 4 April 1933; see Schwarzbuch, p. 209. Cf. Kudlien, Fridolf, Ärzte im Nationalsozialismus, Cologne 1985, p. 64. 262 Acht-Uhr-Abendblatt, 31 March 1933, quoted in Leich/Lundt, Zur Ausschaltung jüdischer Rechtsanwälte, pp. 221–222. 60 1933 sequences should be presented to the general public in the motion picture theatres, as already had been planned in Chemnitz.263 END OF MARCH he Berlin-Mitte District cancels the contract of 27 Jewish physicians with private service contracts in the social welfare services, efective 30 June.264 In Berlin, State Commissioner Lippert is at work with other National Socialists, including Dr. Alexander Meier (Director of the German Motion Picture Syndicate), Dr. Wilhelm Ziegler (Reich Propaganda Ministry), Dr. Edgar Hans Schulz (Prussian Regional Statistical Oice) and the writer Dr. Johann von Leers, drating a national law that will prohibit any and all functions for Jews in state administration and the spheres of inance, culture and education; it will ban marriages between Jews and non-Jews, place Jews under state surveillance and deport foreign Jews.265 1 APRIL he National Socialist government stages an anti-Jewish boycott operation: throughout the Reich, SA formations position guards with warning signs in front of Jewish shops, Jewish lawyers’ and doctors’ oices in order to prevent the public from entering. Customers or visitors are photographed or ilmed in many places. he anti-Jewish operation is halted the following day, but introduces a new wave of administrative measures on all levels. In Berlin, the boycott action concentrates particularly on the shopping areas at Kurfürstendamm, Tauentzienstraße, Friedrichstraße, and at Potsdam Square, where large crowds gather. At 10 a.m., uniformed Nazis take up positions outside stores, department stores, cafes and other enterprises owned by Jews. In some instances, visitors are forcibly prevented from entering. Storm troopers paste posters and signs on the display windows of shops and the signs of doctors’ and lawyers’ oices, with messages warning Germans not to shop from Jews or become their clients. Display windows and shop fronts are covered by graiti in red and white with words and phrases such as “Jew!” or “shopping here can be lethal,” “Jerusalem” or the like. SA guard details and visitors are ilmed by camera teams for propaganda purposes. In the market halls, the abandoned stands of Jewish merchants have signs reading “Closed in protest against the Jewish atrocity propaganda here and abroad.” Jews are prevented from entering the stock market, university and state library. Representatives of the National Socialist Factory Cell Organizations show up at Berlin companies, demanding the immediate dismissal of Jewish employees. In the aternoon, there is 263 Film-Kurier, 31 March 1933, in: Weiss, Dokumente, p. 17. 264 VB, 16 April 1933, printed in Schwarzbuch, p. 212. 265 Stadtarchiv Nürnberg, Sammlung Streicher, No. 129; reproduced in full in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 27, pp. 121–129. 61 1933 a demonstration by the National Socialist Factory Cell Organizations. At the inal rally in the Lustgarten, Gauleiter Joseph Goebbels gives a speech, talking about the upcoming measures that will be taken against the Jews.266 UNTIL 3 APRIL At municipal schools, all Jewish teachers are suspended (Decree, Acting Municipal School Board Berlin).267 3 APRIL All members of the executive board of the Berlin Chamber of Commerce are forced to resign. he Chamber of Commerce is then declared “Jew-free.”268 4 APRIL here are renewed raids in the Scheunenviertel. On this occasion, the police, SS and SA even carry out street checks and house searches publicly, accompanied by journalists from the press and radio. he raids lead to the arrests of many Jews, who are then locked up in “improvised” concentration camps.269 7 APRIL he “Law on the Restoration of the Profession Civil Service” (Gesetz zur Wiederherstellung des Berufsbeamtentums) is passed to remove political opponents and Jews from the state civil service. Paragraph 3 of the law states that civil servants who “are not of Aryan descent” must go into forced retirement immediately. Initially, the law exempted those who were civil servants already before 1914 and the so-called combat veterans of World War I. With the aid of this “Aryan Clause” in the law, in the coming weeks and months across Germany, not only civil servants but Jewish teachers, lawyers and judges, physicians, oice clerks and university lecturers are removed from public oices and state institutions. Up to the Nuremberg Laws in 1935, this notorious clause, extending far beyond its direct stipulations, shall form the basis for anti-Jewish restrictions on all levels in German society. Lord Mayor Heinrich Sahm orders the Berlin State Welfare and Youth Oice to do a review of municipal subsidies “from the standpoint of the national government.” his oice then halts the municipal wage subsidies for Jewish day care centers, kindergartens and day nurseries retroactive from the second instalment in March, because 266 he Times, No. 46409, 3 April 1933, p. 14; likewise VB (North German edition), 2/3 April 1933. he boycott call is quoted in Der gelbe Fleck, p. 25; see also Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin. Bilder und Dokumente, ed. Reinhard Rürup, Berlin 1995, p. 271. 267 Jüdische Rundschau, 4 April 1933; see Walk, I/No. 31, p. 9. See report, Ulmer Tageblatt, 3 April 1933, quoted in Keil, Heinz, Dokumentation über die Verfolgungen der jüdischen Bürger von Ulm/Donau, hergestellt im Autrage der Stadt Ulm, Ulm 1961, p. 392. 268 Der gelbe Fleck, p. 95. 269 VB (Berlin edition), 5 April 1933; see Helas, Die Razzia, pp. 135–136. 62 1933 the Jewish Welfare Association is no longer a recognized supporting association (Decree, Berlin State Oice for Welfare).270 10 APRIL Economic assistance for Jewish pupils is cancelled as long as the percentage of Jewish pupils in high schools, middle schools, special extension classes (Aubauklassen), vocational and technical schools exceeds the percentage of Jews in the total population of the German Reich (Decree, State Commissioner for Berlin).271 11 APRIL Berlin excludes Jewish businessmen and merchants from making deliveries to the municipality (Decree, Berlin Procurement Oice).272 13 APRIL Representatives of the German Students Association post 12 theses “Against the Un-German Spirit” at Berlin Friedrich Wilhelm University. hese include some anti-Semitic theses, such as: “Our greatest adversary is the Jew, and the one who is subservient to him.” And: “he Jew can only think Jewish; if he writes German, then he’s lying.”273 25 APRIL he “Law Against Overcrowding in German Schools and Universities” limits the number of Jewish students at universities, other tertiary institutions and schools (except for mandatory schools) to the average percentage of Jews in the total population. According to a communication from the Health Oice, the municipality has cancelled inancing of the beds previously used by the Berlin municipality at the Birkenwerder sanatorium, which belongs to a stateless Jew (Decree, State Commissioner for Health).274 APRIL In tenders announced by the Berlin Procurement Oice, the “Aryan Clause” is applicable not only in the case of the competing irms, but also for its suppliers as well.275 270 LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fol. 32: letter, State Welfare Oice Berlin, 30 September 1933; cf. ibid., fol. 21: letter, Jewish Community, 29 May 1933. 271 Israelitisches Familienblatt, 13 April 1933, p. 4; see Walk, I/No. 52, p. 13. 272 CZA Jerusalem, S 25, No. 9742, no fols.: “he Legal Position of the ‘Non-Aryans’ in Germany” by Prof. Cohn, Breslau (n.d., ca. November/December 1933), p. 11. 273 Der gelbe Fleck, p. 158. he theses are cited in Wulf, Joseph, Literatur und Dichtung im Dritten Reich. Eine Dokumentation, Reinbek 1966, pp. 44–45. 274 Der Angrif, 26 April 1933; see Schwarzbuch, p. 222. 275 LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fol. 21: letter, Jewish Community, 29 May 1933; reproduced in full in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 47, pp. 164–166. 63 1933 As a result of the “Law on the Professional Civil Service,” “non-Aryans” are dismissed from the Berlin Municipal Electric Company.276 APRIL/MAY Reich legislation forbids the new licensing of “non-Aryans” as lawyers, patent agents and tax consultants. Implementation ordinances to the “Law on the Professional Civil Service” state that persons to be dismissed also include Jewish honorary professors, university adjunct lecturers and notaries public, as well as clerks and blue-collar workers in the civil service. In tenders announced by the Berlin Electric Company, the “Aryan Clause” is applicable not only in the case of the competing irms, but also for its suppliers as well.277 In six districts, Jewish soup kitchens are barred from eligibility for municipal food stamps. Extending beyond the stipulations of the “Law on the Professional Civil Service,” volunteer Jewish members are excluded from municipal executive committees and commissions. Jewish elementary schools and Jewish youth organizations are banned from the use of the swimming pool at Gartenstraße, although swimming is a mandatory school subject. Likewise, Jewish youth are banned entry to public sports grounds, gyms and youth homes, or their entry is made more diicult. he oicial Berlin guide of the Berlin municipality no longer lists institutions and cultural facilities of the Jewish Community, such as the New Synagogue and the Jewish Museum.278 Municipal buildings, oice space or plots of land can no longer be rented or leased to Jewish organizations. Existing leases must be terminated at the next possible date (Decree, Lord Mayor).279 EARLY MAY Representatives of the German Students Association call for a boycott of lectures by Jewish professors and lecturers at the Friedrich Wilhelm University who are classiied 276 See BA Berlin, R 58, No. 5102, fols. 8+RS: letter, Dr. Karl Landau to Obermagistratsrat Dr. Siegl, Vienna, 18 May 1933. 277 LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fols. 21–23: letter, Jewish Community, 29 May 1933, here the following data as well; reproduced in full in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 47, pp. 164–166. 278 Amtlicher Führer durch Berlin. Mit Plan der Innenstadt, ed. Ausstellungs-, Messe- u. Fremdenverkehrs-Amt der Stadt Berlin, Berlin 1933. 279 LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fol. 23: letter, Jewish Community, 29 May 1933; reproduced in full in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 47, pp. 164–166. See also Jüdische Rundschau, 5 May 1933; see Walk, I/89, p. 20. 64 1933 as “exempt” from provisions in the “Law on the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service,” for example because they were combat veterans in World War I. Similar campaigns are organized at other German universities.280 4 MAY Teachers are only permitted to submit certiicates of illness or applications for a convalescence holiday to the required oice if these have been issued by non-Jewish physicians (Decree, State Commissioner for Berlin).281 5 MAY In the course of the campaign by the German Students Association against the Jewish university teachers who have not yet been suspended by the university, students boycott the course inter alia of Dr. Martin Wolf, Professor of Civil Law, so that he is forced to stop lecturing. In order to preserve “peace and security,” the deans of several faculties ask their Jewish lecturers not to hold any lectures during the ongoing semester.282 6 MAY Students ransack the internationally famous Institute for Sexology of Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld. Hirschfeld, who founded the institute in 1918, is ired as its director, and the facility is then closed.283 7 MAY In protest, the painter Prof. Max Liebermann gives up his position as honorary president, his post as senator and his membership in the Prussian Academy of the Arts Berlin, since in his view, as he declares in public: “Art has nothing to do with politics or descent.”284 7–8 MAY he National Socialist “restructuring” of the Section for Literature at the Prussian Academy of the Arts, begun in mid-February 1933, is declared complete. he inal Jewish members, who have not yet resigned, are now excluded from its rolls.285 280 Der gelbe Fleck, pp. 158–159. 281 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1933, Teil VIII, pp. 92–93, No. 160: Decree, with letter from chief administrative oicer, Brandenburg/Dept. of Schools, to Lord Mayor, 24 April 1933. 282 Vossische Zeitung, 5 May 1933, evening edition, p. 1. 283 Homosexualität in der NS-Zeit. Dokumente einer Diskriminierung und Verfolgung, ed. Günter Grau, Frankfurt/M. 1993, pp. 60–63; see also Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin. Bilder und Dokumente, p. 275. 284 Press release, published in C.V.-Zeitung, 11 May 1933, quoted in Wulf, Die bildenden Künste, p. 35; see letter by Liebermann, 7 May 1933, quoted ibid., p. 34. 285 Wulf, Literatur, pp. 15–36. See „Ausschluß aus Kultur und Wissenschat“ in Jüdische Rundschau, No. 37, 9 May 1933, p. 186. 65 1933 9 MAY he Jewish nursery and children’s home in Niederschönhausen, Moltkestraße 8/9, is deleted from the municipal list of “homes for mother and child”, and municipal oices decide it will not be used in future (Decree on Basic Principles of the City of Berlin for Maternal Care for Pregnant Women).286 10 MAY In many university towns across the German Reich, books by famous scientists and artistic writers, including a large number of Jewish writers, are burned in public. In Berlin, ater a torchlight procession in the late evening, students burn some 25,000 books and pamphlets, of which about 10,000 are from the library of the Institute for Sexology, in a large bonire on Opera Square opposite the university. his was preceded by a “clean-up operation” by the German Students Association, aimed at books in Berlin public libraries, but especially in private loan libraries. During this operation, “blacklists” were used which had been prepared before by the Association of German Public Librarians. In the book burning, in a symbolic act, books by individual authors are thrown into the ire accompanied by abusive slogans shouted by the students. Reich propaganda minister and Gauleiter Joseph Goebbels gives a speech before the students and numerous spectators. During the book burning, SA and SS bands play traditional folksongs and marching songs.287 MID-MAY In a number of individual district welfare oices, welfare coupons are stamped: “his coupon is not valid in Jewish shops.”288 CA. 27 MAY he teaching permits for “non-Aryan” private tutors are revoked (By order of the Higher president [Oberpräsident], Berlin-Brandenburg).289 286 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1933, Teil VII, p. 99, No. 170: Decree by Plath (State Welfare and Youth Oice). 287 Wulf, Literatur, pp. 46–51. See „Das war ein Vorspiel nur …“ Bücherverbrennung Deutschland 1933. Voraussetzungen und Folgen, Ausstellung der Akademie der Künste, Berlin 1983. A synopsis of Goebbels’ speech as published in the Völkischer Beobachter, 12 May 1933, is accessible here, in German and English translation: www.library.arizona.edu/exhibits/burnedbooks/goebbels.htm (accessed 6 September 2013). 288 LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fol. 21: letter, Jewish Community, 29 May 1933; reproduced in full in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 47, pp. 164–166. 289 Frankfurter Zeitung, 28 May 1933; see Schwarzbuch, p. 261. 66 1933 29 MAY he Berlin Jewish Community submits a protest to the State Commissioner for Berlin against the mounting number of anti-Jewish measures enacted by the municipality and the continuing discrimination of the “Jewish citizens of Berlin.”290 2 JUNE he State Commissioner issues an order excluding Jewish lawyers from any form of representation of the Berlin municipality, and apparently also barring them from any ongoing legal suits (Circular, State Commissioner for Berlin).291 15 JUNE he hospital of the Jewish Community on Exerzierstraße 11 a (in 1934 renamed Persische Straße, then Iranische Straße) is banned from admitting needy patients, including Jews, at the expense of municipal welfare oices (Decree, Lord Mayor/Berlin State Welfare Oice).292 16 JUNE he contract with the Jewish Nursing Home, Elsässer Straße 85, on admission of needy patients, including Jews, at the expense of municipal welfare oices, is cancelled, efective 20 September 1933 (Decree, Lord Mayor/Berlin State Welfare Oice).293 20 JUNE he Berlin Labor Court decides that “association representatives of Jewish descent are excluded from representing clients before labor courts.” he decision cites the will of the legislator as expressed in recent Reich legislation on the ban on licensing “non-Aryans” as lawyers, patent attorneys and tax consultants, dated 7 and 22 April and 6 May.294 JUNE he circular No. 55 on the “national duty” of statutory health insurance patients (Kassenpatienten) to now avoid consulting Jewish doctors and dentists is renewed in public and made more precise. By an amendment to an article, in future patients can only freely select their physician choosing from a roster of “Aryan” physicians. For that 290 LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fol. 21: letter, 29 May 1933; reproduced in full in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 47, pp. 164–166. 291 Ibid., fol. 45: statement, Hafemann (p.p. State Commissioner/Lord Mayor), 10 October 1933; see ibid., fol. 29: letter, Jewish Community, 29 June 1933. 292 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1933, Teil VII, p. 123, No. 210: letter, Lord Mayor Sahm, 15 June 1933. See also article „Aufruf zur Hilfe“ (Call for Help), in: Jüdisches Gemeindeblatt, No. 7, July 1933, p. 1. 293 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1933, Teil VII, p. 127, No. 216: Decree, Lord Mayor Sahm. 294 Based on Juristische Wochenschrit, see Schwarzbuch, p. 181; cf. citing in Blau, Ausnahmerecht, p. 34. 67 1933 reason, from this juncture on it is no longer permissible to submit receipts from Jewish doctors (Circular, acting head of the Municipal Health Insurance Institute Berlin).295 1 JULY All patients who are members of the health insurance funds organized in the Association of Health Insurance Funds in Berlin are no longer allowed to be admitted to the Jewish Hospital (By order of the Reich Commissioner for the Association of Health Insurance Funds in the district of the Higher Insurance Oice Berlin). 7 JULY SA and Gestapo organize a morning raid against doctors who had banded together in the “Medical Consultation Oice,” a section of Jewish Economic Relief under the aegis of the Jewish Community. hirty supposedly Marxist physicians are arrested and brought to police headquarters.296 he Head Oice of the Municipal Market Halls issues a written revocation of the stand permits of Jewish merchants efective 31 July 1933 on the basis of a decree by Lord Mayor Sahm of 10 June 1933. Likewise in the central market hall, the seller permits for the preponderant majority of Jewish merchants are revoked efective 31 August 1933, no reasons speciied, and with reference to the decree by the Lord Mayor. Only foreign merchants are exempted. For several weeks, three large banners have been hanging in the central market hall, with the text: “Germans, avoid Jewish shops,” while at the same time similar banners have been taken down in other market halls.297 11 JULY he Berlin Chief of Police, like other state police oices throughout the Reich, is ordered to put together lists on a) all Jewish political associations, including associate organizations of all kinds, and b) all “supposedly non-political” Jewish associations and their associated organizations, c) all Jewish lodges and lodge-like societies, d) all foreign Jews who have up to now been visibly involved in political activity, e) all German Jews who have been visibly involved in political activity. Exact information 295 See Mitteilungsblatt der Krankenversicherungsanstalt vom Juni 1933, cited in LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 214, fol. 25: letter, Jewish Community, 29 June 1933; see text undated, quoted in Mitteilungsblatt der Versicherungsanstalt, in Schwarzbuch, p. 226. 296 Der Angrif, 7 July 1933 (detailed description); see Schwarzbuch, p. 225. 297 here are several extant complaints against these measures: LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1882, fols. 165f. On the central market hall: Central Archives for the History of the Jewish People Jerusalem, HM 2/8778 (RGVA 721/2673): letter, CV to Prussian Minister for Economy and Labor (oicial Heller), 19 July 1933. I am grateful to Christoph Kreutzmüller, Berlin, for pointing out this document. See also Le Temps, 16 July 1933, in Schwarzbuch, p. 348. 68 1933 must be gathered in this connection regarding oice spaces and members of the executive committee (Circular, Gestapa).298 13 JULY Previous welfare care grants for elderly or sickly needy persons in Jewish homes are cancelled in Berlin. Efective from 1 August 1933, subsidies for care are to be paid to Jews solely in individual cases which have been properly examined (Decree, Lord Mayor/Berlin State Welfare Oice).299 14 JULY he Law on Revocation of Naturalizations and Withdrawal of German Citizenship, as well as the Law on Expropriation of Assets Inimical to the People and the State are issued. hese laws are applied in the subsequent period against numerous Jews. MID-JULY Hitler declares that the “national revolution” is now complete. In fact, open political opposition forces no longer exist; letwing parties and unions have been destroyed, many members are in concentration camps or in hiding. Center-right parties have chosen to dissolve. he government is dictatorial. National Socialists have taken over important functions and posts in the state, the economy and culture. Only the Reichswehr and the churches have not as yet been placed under attack. he executive committee of the Berlin Chamber of Lawyers bans oice communities and societies as well as any professional links between “Aryan” and “non-Aryan” attorneys.300 18 JULY A municipal decision of 10 May/13 June cancels reduced rate school tuition fees for Jewish pupils – one Jewish parent is suicient here – efective 1 October 1933, as long as their percentage at school exceeds the “percentage of Jews in the total population of the German Reich;” the deferral of tuition fee is also cancelled in the case of Jews who are unemployed. In application for reduction of school fees, the “Aryan Clause” is now applicable (Supplement to the School Fee Regulations for Municipal Secondary and Middle Schools of 22 March 1933).301 298 Circular Rudolf Diels regarding Jews register, reproduced in Graf, Christoph, Politische Polizei zwischen Demokratie und Diktatur, Berlin 1983, Doc. 19, p. 429. 299 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1933, Teil VII, p. 149, No. 256: letter, Lord Mayor Sahm to Jewish Homes for the Elderly and Nursing Homes. 300 See Informationsblätter, ed. Zentralausschuß für Hilfe und Aubau, No. 7, 20 July 1933; see Walk, I/189, p. 40. 301 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1933, Teil VIII, p. 159, No. 277: Decree Lord Mayor Sahm. 69 1933 19 JULY Physicians who are not in keeping with the regulations of the “Law on the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service,” i.e. “non-Aryan” doctors, are no longer licensed for implementing the Law on Combating Venereal Diseases (Decree, State Commissioner for Berlin).302 21 JULY “Non-Aryan” lawyers are no longer to be appointed as legal guardians, caregivers, etc. for “Aryans” (Decree, State Commissioner for Berlin).303 27 JULY “Non-Aryans” are excluded from participation in the justice system; Jewish representatives of associations and Jewish lawyers are no longer oicially recognized. he Berlin State Labor Court conirms herewith the judgment of the Labor Court Berlin of 20 June 1933.304 4 AUGUST Lord Mayor Sahm issues a regulation that the “Law on the Professional Civil Service” must be applied to the hiring of municipal oicials, persons with future entitlement for pensions and the hiring of blue-collar and white-collar personnel for the city of Berlin (Decree, Lord Mayor).305 5 AUGUST Jews are no longer eligible to participate in special measures of municipal welfare oices for unemployed youth, such as vocational and training courses, free meals or youth welfare meetings and events (Decree, State Commissioner for Implementing Decisions of the Municipal Councillor for Social Welfare).306 15 AUGUST Licenses of all stockbrokers are revoked; new licensing solely for “honorable and trustworthy individuals.” “Non-Aryan” stateless persons can no longer be licensed (Decree, Prussian Minister for the Economy and Labor, Amendment to the Berlin Stock Market Regulations).307 302 Ibid., Teil VII, p. 156, No. 269: Decree Plath (for Municipal Medical Oicer). 303 Ibid., Teil I, p. 215, No. 156: Decree Hafemann (Main Administrative Oice) p.p. State Commissioner Lippert. 304 Deutsche Justiz, cited in Blau, Ausnahmerecht, p. 34. 305 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1933, Teil I, pp. 228–229, No. 173: Decree Lord Mayor Sahm. 306 Ibid., Teil VII, p. 165, No. 294: Decree Plath (State Welfare and Youth Oice) to the district oices. 307 In Decree, Chief of Police, 30 August 1933; Beilage B zu den Amtlichen Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, 1933, No. 74. 70 1933 MID-AUGUST he Municipal Press and Propaganda Oice announces that “non-Aryans” are prohibited from entering the Lake Wannsee beach facility. his measure has become necessary, it is reported, because the large number of Jewish bathers at the Wannsee beach has resulted in constant friction and detrimental efects.308 17 AUGUST At a meeting of the Association of Berlin Motion Picture heater Owners, the Jews present are given an ultimatum to leave the hall immediately.309 AUGUST In the Charlottenburg district, the stands of merchants at the weekly open market on Suarezstraße are taken away from them because they are not “Aryan.”310 AUGUST/SEPTEMBER he Berlin State Youth Oice instructs the district welfare and youth oices to examine what kindergartens are under Jewish direction and whether there is a need for Jewish day care centers.311 6 SEPTEMBER he Protestant Church of the Old-Prussian Union decides in Berlin to introduce the “Aryan Clause” for personnel in its administration.312 11 SEPTEMBER In warranted individual cases, Jewish welfare patients can be admitted to Jewish hospitals and treated there with expenses covered by the municipal social welfare system, but not if this involves long-term in-patient treatment and care (Decree, Lord Mayor).313 22 SEPTEMBER he Reich Law on Chambers of Culture stipulates that artists, cultural workers and journalists are to be organized in chambers. Membership in such a chamber (literature, press, radio, ilm, theater, music, ine arts) is a prerequisite for practicing such a profession in the public sphere. he “First Implementation Ordinance” of 1 November 1933 creates the instrument to deny Jews membership. 308 Vossische Zeitung, 22 August 1933; Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, 22 August 1933; C.V.-Zeitung, No. 34, 7 September 1933; see Walk, I/225, p. 48. 309 Quoted in Film-Kurier, 18 August 1933; Weiss, Dokumente, p. 18. 310 Letter Louis Skalawski to Reich Economy Ministry, 15 November 1933; BA Berlin, R 3101/13862, fols. 106+RS. 311 Cited in LA Berlin, A Rep. 003-02, No. 76, fol. 3: District Oice Wilmersdorf to Lord Mayor Berlin, 14 September 1933; and ibid., fol. 6: District Oice Steglitz to Lord Mayor, 14 November 1933. See also Schmidt, Ausgrenzung, p. 156. 312 Kirchliches Gesetz- und Verordnungsblatt 57 (1933), pp. 142–145. 313 C.V.-Zeitung, No. 36, 20 September 1933; see Walk, I/241, p. 51. 71 1933 SEPTEMBER he Higher Postal Service Administration Berlin forcibly retires all Jewish postal oicials, in some cases without pension.314 In the September issue of its periodical, the Municipal Health Insurance Institute Berlin announces that in future it will only cover and refund medical expenses payable to “Aryan” physicians and dentists. A formal decision will soon be taken.315 4 OCTOBER he Reich Law on Editors stipulates that the necessary oicial permit for an editor for all newspapers and political periodicals is rendered dependent on the “Aryan” descent of the individual. Exceptions for Jewish journalists can be granted only if they are World War I combat veterans or if they are employed by a Jewish newspaper. OCTOBER he tennis club “Rot-Weiß” Berlin bars “non-Aryan” members.316 1 NOVEMBER By means of a clause on “reliability” in the “First Implementation Ordinance” of the Law for the Union of All Cultural Workers in the Reich Chamber of Culture promulgated 22 September 1933, creative artists, individuals in the ilm industry and journalists are barred from becoming members for political and “racial” reasons, thus preventing them from pursuing their profession in the sphere of culture and the media. At 9:30 p.m., more than a dozen SA men in uniform storm the “Birnbaum” bar at Grenadierstraße 14 in the district Berlin-Mitte. he SA men beat up several Jewish patrons. Police headquarters reports to the Gestapo at 11:27 p.m. that the perpetrators were able to escape without identifying them and that no one was injured.317 8 NOVEMBER he General Meeting of the members of the Municipal Health Insurance Institute Berlin decides to remove all “non-Aryan” physicians without exception from the roster of licensed doctors. Subject to exclusion are even “Aryan” physicians with Jewish wives (Decree, Municipal Health Insurance Institute Berlin).318 314 See letter, Johanna Rosenthal to Main Post Oice Directorate Berlin, 9 October 1933; reproduced in full in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 83, pp. 260–261. 315 Mentioned in LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1700, fol. 21: letter, Anne-Marie Mankiewicz to Chair, Supervisory Council, Municipal Health Insurance Institute Berlin, Dr. Hafemann, 8 October 1933. 316 Der gelbe Fleck, p. 189. 317 BA Berlin, R 1501, No. 25722, fol. 349: telex, Police HQ Berlin to Gestapo HQ, 1 November 1933. 318 Cited in LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1700, fol. 41: State Commissioner Lippert to the Prussian Minister for Economy and Labor, 15 March 1934. 72 1933 13 NOVEMBER In the Berlin Sports Palace, the members of the Gau of Greater Berlin of the religious movement German Christians demand of their state church to implement in a radical manner the “Aryan Clause” – in keeping with the church law passed by the general synod in September. In addition, they decide that the state church should be called upon to segregate “all Protestant Christians of alien blood in special parishes for their own kind.”319 NOVEMBER he tennis club “Rot-Weiß” Berlin also bars members who are married to “nonAryans.”320 1 DECEMBER In reports on applications for an entry permit to the Reich, the police issues an order that in the forms under I ater “citizenship” and under II before “full address” the new category “religion” should be added (By order of the chief of police).321 4 DECEMBER he Municipal School Board Berlin prohibits teachers from marrying Jewish spouses, under penalty of dismissal.322 DECEMBER In the meantime, all Berlin sports associations have decided to apply the “Aryan Clause.”323 319 320 321 322 VB (North German edition), No. 319, 15 November 1933, p. 7; see also Vossische Zeitung, 14 November 1933. Der gelbe Fleck, p. 189. Amtliche Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 102, 8 December 1933, p. 213. Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1933, Teil VIII/472, p. 288: Announcement, acting councillor for Municipal schools, p.p. Meinshausen. 323 Der gelbe Fleck, p. 189. 73 1934 1934 24 JANUARY he “Law on Regulations for National Labor” forbids Jews from being appointed as workers’ shop loor representatives since they cannot be members of the German Labor Front. 27 JANUARY he segregational regulations for the work of “Aryan” and “non-Aryan” physicians in public and private hospitals or clinics in the Reich promulgated 10 August 1933 are supplemented for Berlin (Basic Principles on Cooperation of Aryan and non-Aryan Physicians in Private Clinics and Hospitals).324 JANUARY he Reich Representation of the German Jews (Reichsvertretung der deutschen Juden), a new umbrella organization of the Jewish Communities and organizations, established in the fall of 1933 with a central oice in Berlin, sends a memorandum to the national government on the increasing discrimination against the Jewish population.325 16 FEBRUARY A squad of SA men storms the Cabaret of Comedians on Kurfürstendamm and throws out the Jews in the audience.326 8 MARCH he premiere of the British ilm “Catherine the Great” in Berlin is disrupted by NSDAP members because the Jewish actress Elisabeth Bergner is in the cast.327 13 MARCH he Berlin State Youth Oice instructs the District Welfare and Youth Oices to “aim for a situation where Aryan kindergarten teachers have only Aryan children in their kindergartens, and non-Aryan kindergarten teachers attend only to non-Aryan children in theirs.” In the case of mixed private kindergartens and play circles, a corresponding exchange of children should be undertaken as soon as possible.328 324 Decree department head of the physicians in Berlin, Informationsblätter, No. 2, 9 February 1934; see Walk, I/334, p. 69. 325 BA Berlin, R 3001/5107, fol. 27. he memo comprises 78 pages. Its introduction is reproduced in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 99, pp. 294–297. 326 See telegram from 157th Precinct to Police HQ Berlin, 16 February 1934, cited in Pätzold, Kurt, Faschismus, Rassenwahn, Judenverfolgung. Eine Studie zur politischen Strategie und Taktik des faschistischen Imperialismus 1933–1935, Berlin 1975, p. 159. 327 Cited in report Gestapo Main Oice Berlin, April 1934; reproduced in Kulka/Jäckel, Die Juden, Doc. 32, pp. 68–71; see also Kulka/Jäckel, he Jews, Doc. 32, pp. 31–37. 328 LA Berlin, A Rep. 003-02, No. 76, fol. 72: Circular Decree, Lord Mayor/State Youth Oice 3, 13 March 1934. See Schmidt, Ausgrenzung, p. 157. 75 1934 15 MARCH Although State Commissioner Lippert is in fundamental agreement with the position of the Municipal Health Insurance Institute Berlin regarding the barring of Jewish physicians as well as Aryan doctors with Jewish spouses, he instructs the Health Insurance Institute to change the resolution passed by the General Meeting of members.329 22 MARCH Stateless Berlin children as well as children stripped of their German citizenship must pay double school tuition fees at high schools and middle schools. his afects a large number of Jewish children, especially those whose parents are considered “East European Jews” and/or have been forcibly denaturalized since 1933 (Amendment to the Regulations on School Fees for the Municipal High Schools and Middle Schools).330 12 APRIL State Commissioner Lippert complains to Lord Mayor Sahm about his prohibition on dealing in textile goods at municipal markets, 15 December 1933, because in addition to the 850 Jewish and foreign dealers regarded as the target of the measure, it also threatens 1,300 “Aryan” businesses. Lippert demands that the prohibition be rescinded. He is, however, prepared “to promote any measure aimed at removing Jewish textile merchants from the municipal weekly markets.”331 23 APRIL he “descent” of legitimate and illegitimate oicial wards will in future be determined by an “Ancestry List” which must be added to each ile by the District Youth Oices. In particular, wards born out of wedlock are to be checked for possible “non-Aryan” paternity (Decree, Lord Mayor).332 6 JUNE Teachers who ater 1 July 1933 married “non-Aryans” or marry “non-Aryans” in the future are to be dismissed immediately (Supplementary Order by the State Commissioner to the Regulations on Implementation of Chap. II of the Reich Law on Amending Regulations of the Law on Civil Servants of 30 June 1933, for elementary and middle schools).333 329 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1700, fol. 41: State Commissioner Lippert Berlin to Prussian Minister for Economy and Labor, 15 March 1934. 330 Amtsblatt der Stadt Berlin, 1934, p. 359; see Walk, I/362, p. 75. 331 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1883, fols. 87–90RS: letter, Lippert to Lord Mayor, 12 April, and memo (Krök), 10 April 1934. 332 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1934, Teil VII, p. 100, No. 176: Decree Plath (State Welfare and Youth Oice) to the district mayors. 333 Ibid., Teil VIII, p. 151, No. 263: Decree Hassenstein (State Commissioner/Dept. of Schools) in Decree Meinshausen, 20 June 1934. 76 1934 Female civil servants at Berlin schools who ater 1 July 1933 married a “non-Aryan” or do so in the future are to be dismissed without severance pay (Supplementary Order by the State Commissioner to the Regulations on Implementation of Chap. III of the Reich Law on Amending Regulations of the Law on Civil Servants of 30 June 1933, for elementary and middle schools).334 18 JUNE In the Berlin municipality administration, even those “non-Aryans” are barred from employment who are not afected by the regulations of the “Law on the Restoration of the Civil Service” because of the exemption clause on “Combat Veterans of World War I” (Decree, Lord Mayor).335 18 JULY Jewish sports associations are ordered to join together and form a nation-wide “working group.” Jewish sports associations can in future only use public and private gymnasiums, sports grounds, swimming pools and the like if these facilities are not needed by schools, sports associations of the Reich Alliance for Physical Training and the national associations. 25 JULY he Jewish Welfare and Youth Oice is declared to be the sole responsible oice for the welfare matters of Jewish residents in Berlin. In future, the municipality rejects negotiations with any other Jewish organizations (Decree, Lord Mayor).336 12 SEPTEMBER he Berlin State Youth Oice issues an order ater several inquiries: “Non-Aryan” children can only remain in municipal and private day care centers if transfer to a Jewish day care facility is not possible because they are Christian, and the city will thus be burdened with additional expenses if the child is placed in another home for children or the child’s mother is forced to give up her job.337 334 Ibid., p. 156, No. 277: Decree Hassenstein (State Commissioner/Dept. of Schools) in Decree Meinshausen, 28 June 1934. 335 Ibid., Teil I, p. 163, No. 140: Decree Plath (Lord Mayor/Main Administrative Oice). 336 Ibid., Teil VII, p. 189, No. 333: Decree Plath (State Welfare and Youth Oice) to the district mayors. 337 LA Berlin, A Rep. 003-02, No. 76, fol. 83: copy, Circular decree, Lord Mayor/State Youth Oice 16/17, 12 September 1934. 77 1934 18 SEPTEMBER he decree of 13 July 1933 on cancellation of care allowances for Jews and the introduction of individual case evaluation is amended. he assumption of the expenses for the care of needy Jews admitted to the Jewish Community Hospital or Jewish homes for the elderly shall be regulated anew from 1 September 1934 (Decree, Lord Mayor).338 20 SEPTEMBER Along with the Jewish Welfare and Youth Oice, other facilities of the Jewish Community continued nonetheless to be acceptable as negotiating partners for the municipality in matters of care provision, and thus the decree of 25 July 1934 is amended (Decree, Lord Mayor).339 Members of Jewish youth associations are prohibited from wearing uniform traditional dress or pieces of clothing, they are not permitted to show or carry symbols or pennants, etc. Likewise prohibited are rallies, martial sports exercises, marching in formation, communal living arrangements, overnight encampment in tents or private rooms, and the making of newspapers or ilms (By order of the police chief).340 21 SEPTEMBER In response to the demand by the mayor of the Berlin Tiergarten district to prevent the construction of tabernacles for the Jewish holiday of Tabernacles, State Commissioner Lippert decides there will be no speciic police ban issued. But he does allow for an informal possibility to take action against the tabernacles: in any case, the prerequisite is that the construction of such structures does not violate the “sensibilities of residents of a diferent persuasion” (Decree, State Commissioner for Berlin).341 SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER In the light of the decree of the State Commissioner, police action is taken in the Tiergarten district against the construction of Jewish tabernacles in courtyards and on balconies, using the pretext of violation of building codes.342 338 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1934, Teil VII, p. 298, No. 393: Decree Plath (Lord Mayor/State Welfare and Youth Oice) to the district mayors. 339 Ibid., p. 306, No. 407: Decree Breitenfeld (Lord Mayor/State Welfare Oice). 340 Beilage A zu den Amtlichen Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 77, 24 September 1934. 341 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1704, fol. 8: Decree Lippert, 21 September 1934; reproduced in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 136, p. 374. 342 Cited in LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1704, fols. 9–10: Construction Police, District Tiergarten, to Lord Mayor/Construction Police, 12 September 1935. 78 1934 28 OCTOBER Jews are no longer permitted to be members of supervisory boards or the spouses of supervisory board members of municipal companies (Regulations for Supervisory Boards for the Representation of the City in the Supervisory Boards of the “Municipal Companies” and the “Partial Municipal Companies”).343 23 NOVEMBER he female principals of private kindergartens are instructed once more, subsequent to the circular of March 1934, that in facilities run by “Aryan” principals, only “Aryan” children are permitted, and in “non-Aryan” kindergartens, only “non-Aryan” children are allowed to attend (Circular, Lord Mayor).344 343 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1934, Teil I, p. 359, No. 294: Decree Lord Mayor/Main Administrative Oice, with Regulations for Supervisory Board, dated same day. 344 LA Berlin, A Rep. 003-02, No. 76, fol. 40: Circular decree, Lord Mayor Berlin/State Youth Oice 16/17, by proxy Knaut, 23 November 1934. 79 1935 1935 9 JANUARY Efective from 1 April 1935, the sole authority responsible for the welfare burial of “deceased needy persons of the Jewish faith” is the Cemetery Commission for the Jewish Community in Berlin, Oranienburger Straße 31 (Decree, Lord Mayor).345 19 JANUARY he head of SS Berlin prohibits SS men and their relatives from shopping at department stores and shops owned by Jews. hey are also prohibited from using the services of Jewish legal consultants or to be treated by Jewish medical doctors.346 JANUARY Ater a preliminary count, it is estimated some 10,000 Jews emigrated in 1934 from Germany to Palestine, in December 1934 of these a total of 436 from Berlin alone. In January 1935, 200 Jews from Berlin and another 150 from the Reich emigrated there.347 JANUARY TO MAY Violent excesses and boycott campaigns against Jews are organized in various parts of the country. 21 MAY he Law on Defense excludes Jews from serving in the armed forces, and introduces a prohibition on marrying a Jew for all “Aryan” members of the Wehrmacht. A separate regulation will deal with wartime service by “non-Aryans” in the event of a conlict. FIRST HALF OF JUNE In the beginning of June, large crowds gather in front of shops owned by Jews in the Berlin districts of Spandau and Pankow. Police terminates these anti-Jewish rallies by – visibly to the demonstrators – arresting the Jews and taking them into protective custody. Soon the demonstrations become more numerous, and target in particular ice cream parlors.348 SECOND HALF OF JUNE he number of demonstrations in front of Jewish-owned shops by SA, Hitler Youth and also non-Party members continues to grow. Chants of “Don’t shop from Jews!” are intended to prevent customers from entering the stores. When a number of 345 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1935, Teil VII, p. 24, No. 23: Decree Breitenfeld (Lord Mayor/State Welfare Oice). 346 BA Berlin, NS 31, No. 89, no fols.; reproduced in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 153, pp. 408–409. 347 he high number for Berlin can be accounted for by the fact that the emigrant transports were generally assembled in the Reich capital. See Kulka/Jäckel, Die Juden, CD-No. 551: Situation report, Gestapa (II 1 B 2), 19 February 1935. 348 Gestapo, state police district Berlin, report for July 1935 (n.d.), in: Kulka/Jäckel, Die Juden, CD-No. 1004; see also Kulka/Jäckel, he Jews, pp. 137–139. 81 1935 customers leave the stores, what they have purchased is grabbed out of their hands and knocked to the ground. he police must intervene repeatedly to restore public order. Several “Jewish stores” temporarily close their doors. Although the SA Group Berlin-Brandenburg and the Hitler Youth instruct their members in a day order of 25 June 1935 not to take part in anti-Jewish demonstrations either in uniform or civilian clothing, and threatens them with severe sanctions, the excesses spread the last week in June across the entire expanse of Berlin. he districts particularly afected are Neukölln, Lichtenberg, Steglitz, Schöneberg and the west of the city. he demonstrators threaten customers and “Aryan” clerks employed at “Jewish” stores, attacking them physically. In many cases, the owners are constrained to shut their store immediately to protect it from being demolished. When shop owners give in to the pressure, the shops are pasted over with boycott stickers and signs and pages of the paper Der Stürmer, and the sidewalks are covered with anti-Jewish graiti. Many storefront display windows are smashed during the night.349 JUNE At the latest from this month on, a list of doctors in Greater Berlin and the vicinity begins circulating, put together by the auxiliary alternative health insurance funds (Ersatzkassen), where Jewish physicians are marked with a red line.350 15 JULY Berlin now also prohibits doctors married to Jews from social welfare medical services for the needy (Supplementary Agreement between the City of Berlin and the Association of Panel Doctors of Germany [Kassenärztliche Vereinigung Deutschlands] / Administrative Oice Berlin).351 Ater the front page of the Völkischer Beobachter attacked supposed disruptions and “Jewish impudence” during the premiere of an anti-Semitic ilm from Sweden the day before, emphasizing that this should be avenged, SA men carry out violent excesses against Jews on the Kurfürstendamm. Jewish customers are thrown out of several cafés and a number of Jewish-owned shops are demolished.352 16 JULY he head of the Secret State Police Oice (Gestapa), Reinhard Heydrich, calls on the Reich Interior Ministry to examine the composition of the executive board and 349 Gestapo, state police district Berlin, report for June 1935 (n.d.) and for July 1935 (n.d.), in: Kulka/Jäckel, CD-No. 933 and 1004; see also Kulka/Jäckel, he Jews, pp. 130–131. 137–139. 350 BA Berlin, R 58, No. 6401, fol. 84: memo, SS Security Service, 21 June 1935. 351 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1935, Teil VII, p. 211, No. 278: Decree to district mayors, with supplementary contract from Lord Mayor Sahm. 352 VB (North German edition), 15 July 1935, p. 1 and 17 July 1935, p. 2; Neue Zürcher Zeitung (evening edition), 16 July 1935, p. 2; see report in Der gelbe Fleck, pp. 49–52. 82 1935 elected Assembly of Representatives of the Jewish Community Berlin, and to reduce the number of members by means of new elections. his election shall be so inluenced that Zionist functionaries are elected in the main, this in order to eliminate the “standpoint of the assimilationist Jews which intentionally dilutes the question of race.”353 16/17 JULY Further anti-Jewish violence occurs on the Kurfürstendamm and at the Lake Wannsee beach.354 17 JULY In future, the Welfare Oice has to send needy Jews relocating to Berlin principally to the Municipal Shelter. Jews are not permitted the alternative available to “Aryans” of a reduced support payment in cash (Decree, Lord Mayor).355 18 JULY he State Commissioner for Berlin instructs the heads of the municipal administrative courts and the district mayors to reject wherever possible applications for opening new ice cream shops if these are submitted by Jewish tradesmen. Lippert states his reason: because it is “incompatible with the aims of National Socialist economic policy” should “elements of an alien race” be accorded an opportunity to expand their business activities (Decree, State Commissioner).356 18/19 JULY New anti-Jewish rallies and violent excesses take place in various parts of Berlin, for example on 18 July in the Hansa Quarter. Particularly in Moabit, Neukölln and Pankow, storefront display windows are defaced with oil paint and covered with posters: for example, all the display windows of the Grünfeld textile department store. Sidewalks in front of shops are defaced with graiti such as “Jew-slave,” and the synagogue on Prinzregentenstraße is also covered with abusive slogans. Some Berlin District Propaganda Oices of the NSDAP provide their local groups with anti-Semitic stickers and instruct members to paste these in suitable places. Patrons are forcibly removed from a number of Jewish-owned cafes and restaurants. A crowd goes on the rampage in front of an ice cream parlor on Hermannplatz in Neukölln. he SA demonstrates against ice cream shops at Gesundbrunnen (Wedding). In consequence, several stores must shut down. It is noteworthy that a large proportion of the population, as the Gestapo 353 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1704, fols. 39–40: letter, Heydrich, 16 July 1935. 354 VB (North German edition), 17 July 1935, p. 2; see report in Der gelbe Fleck, p. 54. 355 LA Berlin, B Rep. 214, Neukölln, Acc. 794, No. 13, no fols.: Decree Spiewok (Lord Mayor/State Welfare and Youth Oice). 356 LA Berlin, A Rep. 403, Polizeiamt Berlin-Mitte, No. 3, fols. 8–9. 83 1935 reports, does not support the boycott. On the contrary: people assist the Jews under attack by shopping at their stores.357 Jews are banned from entry at all bathing facilities (Decree, Lord Mayor).358 A sign is mounted once again at the beach at Lake Wannsee: “Jews prohibited swimming and entry.” At the request of the Foreign Oice, this sign is removed months later, because of the Olympic Games.359 19 JULY At the initiative of State Commissioner Lippert, the newly appointed police chief Wolf H. Graf von Helldorf orders Jewish-owned ice cream shops and parlors to close at 7 p.m. his special police-ordered closing hour is in force from 20 to 28 July 1935 (By order of the chief of police).360 27 JULY Only now does police chief Helldorf order police to take steps against the “actions by individuals” against Jews, more than 10 days ater the onset of the new street violence (By order of the chief of police).361 30 JULY Because of the violence in Berlin, a discussion is arranged in the oice of the deputy of the State Commissioner, Vice-President Ludwig Steeg, at the Berlin city hall. Along with Lord Mayor, others present include representatives of the Secret State Police Oice (Gestapa), police headquarters, the State Police Oice Berlin, the NSDAP Gau directorate and the SA unit Berlin-Brandenburg. he goal of their meeting is the “efective implementation of measures in the struggle against the Jews in Berlin without public demonstrations and solo actions.” he following decisions are taken: 1. Starting new businesses by Jewish owners will in future be curtailed by strict tests for need at the Municipal Administrative Court. he municipal administration is to issue guidelines according to which concessions will be fundamentally denied in the case of Jewish applicants. Diiculties are to be made for existing Jewish-owned enterprises by means of the construction police among others. As one measure against 357 Sopade, No. 7, July 1935, pp. 800, 812; YV Jerusalem, 051/OSOBI, No. 205 (721-1-258), no fols.: letter, CV to Reich Interior Ministry, 24 July 1935; Kulka/Jäckel, Die Juden, CD-No. 1004: Gestapo, state police district Berlin, report for July 1935 (n.d.); see also Kulka/Jäckel, he Jews, pp. 137–139. On the Hansaviertel, see the report in Der gelbe Fleck, p. 54. 358 Decree Lord Mayor Sahm, mentioned in Sopade, No. 7, July 1935, p. 800. 359 Stenographic report on negotiations, 9th session with the councilmen (among participants Lippert and Conti), facsimile in Sopade, No. 7, July 1937, p. 939. 360 VB (North German edition), 21 July 1935, p. 2; see Der gelbe Fleck, pp. 54–55. Lippert’s letter to the Chief of police and Lord Mayor is dated 18 July 1935. 361 VB (North German edition), 28 July 1935, p. 2; see Der gelbe Fleck, p. 55. 84 1935 ice cream parlors, which were the particular target of anti-Jewish violence, an order has already been issued stipulating the necessity in future for toilet facilities on the premises. By strict application of this regulation to ice cream parlors owned by Jews, it should be possible to close them down. All stores and shops owned by Jews are to be specially marked as such. A regulation for this will be introduced by the National Socialist Commerce and Trade Organization together with the national government. 2. Houses and real estate owned by Jews will in future be subjected to careful scrutiny in order to determine whether there are any violations of building code regulations. 3. Given the upcoming 1936 Olympics, initially no attempt will be made to aix signs in public bathing facilities forbidding Jews from entry. But the facilities will be guarded by patrols which can remove Jews from the facility should there be disorderly conduct on their part. 4. It is necessary to carefully check what Berlin oices are still awarding public tenders to irms owned by Jews. 5. he Berlin registrars have already been directed not to perform any marriages between Jews and “Aryans.” Further discussions about how to proceed against the Jews in Berlin are to be held in the near future.362 31 JULY Needy persons in the Prenzlauer Berg district are instructed in future not to shop any longer for items of daily consumption in Jewish-owned stores. If they continue to do so, the National Socialist Public Welfare would cancel any support for them (Declaration, Oice for Public Welfare of the NSDAP/District Prenzlauer Berg).363 he District Oice in Zehlendorf publicly directs all its employees and their families to terminate any and all contact with Jews, who are Volksfeinde (enemies of the people), likewise outside oice premises (Decree, district mayor).364 JULY/AUGUST A supra-regional anti-Jewish press campaign accompanies violent excesses and the boycott of Jewish-owned shops in many German towns and cities. he Steglitz district directs its municipal employees to refrain from giving any more contracts to Jews, to stop shopping in Jewish-owned stores, to stop going to Jewish medical doctors and to cease consultation with Jewish lawyers or any representation by them (Decree, District Mayor).365 362 Letter from Gestapa (II 1 B 2 – J/895/35) to Heydrich, 31 July 1935; reproduced in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 183, pp. 462–464. 363 Cited in Der gelbe Fleck, p. 281. 364 Zehlendorfer Lokalanzeiger, 31 July 1935, Bezirksbeilage Westen 1. 365 Citation based on Deutsches Nachrichtenbüro (Germany News Agency) in Der gelbe Fleck, p. 135. 85 1935 12 AUGUST A large banner is aixed to the synagogue on Oranienburger Straße with the image of a Jew in rags and the caption: “his is how Jews will leave Germany.”366 17 AUGUST he Secret State Police Oice (Gestapa) begins to construct a central and supra-regional card-catalogue registry of Jews, initially on the basis of the membership lists of Jewish organizations, which have to be constantly brought up to date, including data on birth, address and profession. 20 AUGUST On orders from Hitler, Reich Interior Minister Frick forbids “solo actions” against Jews. AUGUST Law students at the Friedrich Wilhelm University are called upon to decease in future from going to Jewish coaches and tutors, with the threat that they will be publicly denounced should they do so (Announcement).367 Jewish sellers are forced to move their stands to a side street at the weekly market in Berlin-Neukölln.368 4 SEPTEMBER he Municipal Stockyards terminates the lease on oice space of the last two cattle agencies owned by Jews.369 7 SEPTEMBER In Berlin-Zehlendorf, State Commissioner Lippert unveils, together with district mayor Walter Helfenstein, “the irst anti-Semitic monument in Germany,” in honor of the author of the Handbuch der Judenfrage, heodor Fritsch. he monument created by Arthur Wellmann shows a igure of Siegfried riding upon a lizard-like monster lying on the ground, while he attempts to kill it with a hammer. he base has four anti-Semitic quotations from Fritsch, which Lippert selected together with Helfenstein.370 366 Der gelbe Fleck, p. 58. 367 Cited in ibid., p. 282. 368 Wiemers, Monika, Personalpolitik und allgemeine Verwaltung, in: Metzger/Schmidt/Wehe/Wiemers, Kommunalverwaltung unterm Hakenkreuz, p. 111. 369 LA Berlin, A Rep. 258, No. 69, no fols. 370 Irmer, homas, Das „erste antisemitische Denkmal Deutschlands“ – Zur Errichtung eines Denkmals für heodor Fritsch im kommunalen öfentlichen Raum in Berlin 1935 bis 1943, in: Botsch, Gideon/Kopke, Christoph/Rensmann, Lars/Schoeps, Julius H. (eds.), Politik des Hasses. Antisemitismus und radikale Rechte in Europa, Hildesheim 2010, pp. 153–170. 86 1935 11 SEPTEMBER he political police forces in the states are informed that the director of the Berlin State Financial Oice has again pointed out that in his agency in Berlin NW 40, Alt-Moabit 144, a Central Intelligence Oice had been set up which is responsible for measures on a supra-regional level against all forms of capital light. If “Jews and most especially Jewish businessmen are preparing to exit the country,” the suspects are to be reported immediately to the Intelligence Oice, “with information on the exact personal data and address.” he Central Intelligence Oice would then make these materials available to the relevant Berlin state inancial oices in the city.371 12 SEPTEMBER As in the previous year, the Tiergarten district requests once again the option of being able to take police action against the construction of tabernacles. A total prohibition should be considered because tabernacles are “perceived as a political demonstration by Jews” because of their conspicuousness, and as “highly ofensive to German folkish sensibilities.”372 15 SEPTEMBER he Nuremberg Laws codify the “racial” exclusion of the Jews. With the “Reich Law on Citizenship,” the Jews are given second-class status in law: they are members of the state (Staatsangehörige), but not citizens of the Reich, who alone have full political rights. he “Law on Protection of Blood” forbids marriage and sexual relations between German Jews and non-Jews. 20 SEPTEMBER he members of the supervisory committee of the Home Settlement Project Berlin-Wilmersdorf decide at their meeting to provide the executive board with guidelines for Jews as tenants. he prevailing view is to ban Jews from renting in the buildings of the project. If existing Jewish tenants owe back rent and the like, their leases should be cancelled with immediate efect.373 23 SEPTEMBER he executive committee of the Jewish Community is openly informed that there will be police supervision of its meetings.374 371 Circular decree of Commandant, Political Police of the States/Prussian Gestapo, Deputy Head and Inspector, 11 September 1935; reproduced in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 197, pp. 491–492. On the state inancial administration in Berlin, see Friedenberger, Martin, Fiskalische Ausplünderung. Die Berliner Steuer- und Finanzverwaltung und die jüdische Bevölkerung 1933–1945, Berlin 2008. 372 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1704, fol. 9: letter, Construction Police Tiergarten to Lord Mayor/Construction Police, 12 September 1935. 373 LA Berlin, A Rep. 009, No. 31419, fol. 1: memo, 20 September 1935. 374 LBI/Archive New York, Gemeinde Berlin Coll., Box 1, no fols.: minutes, Meeting, Exec. Comm., Jewish Community, 23 September 1935, p. 1. 87 1935 4 OCTOBER Ater the mayor of the Tiergarten district demanded the right to take action against the construction of tabernacles, the State Commissioner again decides against a formal ban. hat is in order to avoid giving circles abroad a pretext for anti-German propaganda. But Lippert points out to the district mayor and police chief that special attention should be given to ensure that the construction of tabernacles does not ofend the sensibilities of residents of a diferent persuasion, since the “Jewish question has in the meantime become more exacerbated.” hat means that these oicials could in individual cases prevent the construction of such tabernacles (Decree, State Commissioner for Berlin).375 22 OCTOBER Lippert, State Commissioner for Berlin, writes to the Lord Mayor: “In order to achieve a uniform and consistent solution in the question of renting of rooms to Jews, it is necessary to make sure that the municipal housing associations concur on a uniform regulation.” In his view, it is self-evident that municipal housing irms should no longer rent anything to Jews.376 OCTOBER he NSDAP Gau Oice for Municipal Policy reports to the national Party headquarters that the population in Berlin is beginning to express the wish ever more loudly that the “German” shops and businesses should be visibly marked and that the Star of David should be aixed to “Jewish” businesses. Responding to the Nuremberg legislation, the mayor in the Pankow district is now proceeding to put together an oicial card-catalogue roster of Jews.377 14 NOVEMBER he “1st Implementation Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Law” denies Jews the right to vote in all political matters, and excludes them from all public oices. he last remaining Jewish civil servants, which have up to now been considered as exemptions, will be forcibly retired efective 31 December 1935. he concepts “Jew” and “Jewish Mischling” (“Jew of mixed race”) are deined. A “Jew” is an individual with at least three Jewish grandparents. his overrides earlier rulings, also at the local level. 375 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1704, fol. 12: Decree Lippert, 4 October 1935. 376 LA Berlin, A Rep. 009, No. 31419, fol. 2: State Commissioner Lippert to Lord Mayor/Settlement and Housing, 22 October 1935. 377 BA Berlin, NS 25, No. 85, fol. 16: Reich Directorate/Main Oice for Municipal Policy “Conidential Report Excerpts”, 25 October 1935, IX. Shipment 1935 (printed), p. 1. 88 1935 28 NOVEMBER As the Reich Interior Ministry recently recommended, the Municipal Welfare Oice will begin to make approval of public support for needy Jewish residents contingent on a certiicate from the Jewish Welfare Oice. If such a certiicate is lacking, which is only issued to Community members eligible for additional assistance, the municipality will simply assume an insuicient degree of need and shall deny assistance (Decree, Berlin State Welfare Oice).378 21 DECEMBER he “2nd Implementation Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Law” provides more detailed regulations on the exclusion of Jewish civil servants across the Reich, as well as the dismissal of Jewish notaries public, physicians and medical examiners, professors and teachers in the civil service and in public facilities. END OF 1935 A number of municipal housing societies cancel the leases for small apartments occupied by Jewish tenants, efective 1 January or 1 April 1936. Pasted on the buildings of the housing irm “Heimstätten-‘Primus’ GmbH” there are now posters with the caption: “No apartments rented to Jews.”379 378 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1935, Teil VII, p. 325, No. 407: Decree Spiewok (State Welfare Oice). 379 Der gelbe Fleck, p. 180. See on one case LA Berlin, A Rep. 009, No. 31419, no fols.: letter Steeg, 14 March 1936. Another case in Scheurenberg, Klaus, Ich will leben, Berlin 1982, p. 27. 89 1936 1936 7 JANUARY Jews are no longer permitted to be members of the Berlin State Police (Landespolizei). 8 JANUARY he head of the State Court of Berlin notes in an order that it is not at all in keeping with § 4 Sec. 1 of the “1st Implementation Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Law” “to arrange public defenders for Jews.”380 14 JANUARY At a discussion, the district mayors decide to identify Jews still employed in the district administrations, the Municipal Savings & Loan bank and the Berlin City Bank. If so, they should be dismissed.381 23 MARCH Steeg, the Deputy State Commissioner, writes to the Berlin State Youth Oice, noting that the orders of 12 September 1934 and 17 February 1936 should be revoked based on the Nuremberg Laws. Jews and “1st-degree Mischlinge,” if Jewish by religion, can no longer be admitted to municipal nurseries and day care centers (Decree, State Commissioner).382 he Municipal Oice for Settlement and Housing informs the State Commissioner about a discussion held with the executive directors of the municipal housing societies. It is self-evident and “already a long-time practice” that the “municipal housing companies no longer rent to Jews (as deined by the Nuremberg Laws), but if at all possible likewise should not rent any longer to Mischlinge either.” he building societies are ensuring their own position by means of a corresponding question raised in preliminary agreements. In addition, they are proceeding on their own against their previous Jewish tenants “by all possible means.” Tenants in arrears with payments, troublemakers, tenants who are unhygienic, etc. are to be evicted. And every other opportunity available to cancel the lease of a Jew is being utilized. he irm directors are prepared to deal directly with Jewish tenants to get them to vacate their apartments.383 380 Cited in Brandenburgisches Landeshauptarchiv (BLHA) Potsdam, Pr.Br.Rep. 12 A Landgericht Berlin, No. 183, fol. 30: President of State Court to Head, Civil Chamber, 12 August 1936. 381 LA Berlin, B Rep. 208 Spandau, Acc. 1822, No. 9412, fol. 183: Copy, discussion, 14 January 1936. 382 LA Berlin, A Rep. 003-02, No. 76, fol. 88: State commissioner (Steeg) to Spiewok, 23 March 1936; see also report, NSDAP District Oice for Municipal Policy Berlin; BA Berlin, NS 25, No. 86, fol. 41: Reich Directorate/Main Oice for Municipal Policy “Conidential Report Excerpts”, 15 December 1938, IX. Shipment 1938 (printed), p. 1; and Schmidt, Ausgrenzung, p. 158. 383 LA Berlin, A Rep. 009, No. 31419, fol. 12: Lord Mayor/Settlement and Housing to State Commissioner Berlin, 23 March 1936. 91 1936 MARCH he Jewish Community reports on implementation of the Gestapo order of 16 July 1935 to reduce the size of the executive board to seven members. Heydrich (Gestapa) had pushed this ruling through with the help of State Commissioner Lippert and police chief Helldorf.384 2 APRIL he Berlin State Welfare and Youth Oice prohibits acceptance of “1st-degree Mischlinge” who are Jews by religion in municipal and private nurseries, kindergartens, day nurseries and play circles. As a result of the decree by the State Commissioner of 23 March 1936, the orders of 12 September 1934 and 17 February 1936 are rescinded, since they were no longer in keeping with the legal realities ater the “Nuremberg Laws.” Other “Mischlinge” can be admitted to these facilities.385 APRIL/MAY By order of the president of the Reich Chamber of the Press and the president of the Reich Chamber of Fine Arts, Jews are no longer permitted to be members. Since membership is a prerequisite for professional practice, this de facto is tantamount to a ban from the profession, which afects numerous journalists and artists, especially in Berlin. 23 MAY he head of the State Court Berlin issues a directive that a list of Jewish lawyers (most likely in existence since the spring) should be consulted by presiding judges before trial proceedings commence in order to prevent a situation where “Aryans” are assigned Jewish public defenders.386 JULY Jewish owners of art shops must soon shut down their businesses.387 UNTIL AUGUST he butter wholesaler “Weinberger Berlin” and the irm of an egg merchant are to be shut down by the police chief because of ofering alleged preferential priority supply to “members of the same race.”388 384 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 057, No. 1704, fol. 42: letter, Jewish Community to State Commissioner, 13 March 1936; ibid., fol. 37: telephone memo (State Commissioner) on conversation with Stahl), 6 March 1936; and ibid., fol. 56: letter from State Commissioner to Chief of Police, 7 November 1936. 385 LA Berlin, A Rep. 003-02, No. 76, fol. 71: Circular decree, Lord Mayor/State Welfare and Youth Oice, p.p. Spiewok, 2 April 1936; see also Gruner, „Lesen brauchen sie nicht zu können …“, p. 326. 386 Cited in BLHA Potsdam, Pr.Br.Rep. 12 A Landgericht Berlin, No. 183, fol. 30: President of District Court to Head, Civil Chamber, 12 August 1936; ibid., fol. 33: circular letter, Fröhner, Vice-President, State Court Berlin, 14 November 1936. 387 Sellenthin, Geschichte der Juden in Berlin, p. 81. 388 Sopade, No. 8, August 1936, p. 975. 92 1936 SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER In the context of a Reich-wide operation “against the Jews in commerce and industry,” the “exclusion of Jews from food trade” is intensiied, “utilizing public anger over mounting food shortages.” he Reich Oice for Food Supply forces more than 2,000 Jewish meat, fat and egg dealers to liquidate their irms. Just in Berlin alone, 50 grain companies, several of which have been in the city for more than a century, are forced to close their doors. In addition, the Reich Chamber of Culture has instructed Jewish art dealers in Berlin to sell of their current stock as quickly as possible since Jews will be prohibited even before the end of the current year from commercial dealing in art objects.389 1 OCTOBER he Jewish Telegraphic Agency Berlin is excluded from the Association of News Agencies.390 18 OCTOBER he Adult Education Center (Volkshochschule) Greater Berlin is beginning the 1936/37 academic year. Only “Aryans” are permitted to register for and attend courses.391 22 OCTOBER In future, only stateless Berlin children “of German ethnic stock” will be eligible for exemptions from the rule to pay double the required school fees to municipal high schools and middle schools (Amendment to the Regulations on School Fees for Municipal High Schools and Middle Schools).392 UNTIL DECEMBER Although Jews are permitted to study at university under certain conditions, the dean of the Faculty of Philosophy at the Friedrich Wilhelm University in Berlin, Professor Ludwig Bieberbach, employing limsy pretexts, bans Jewish students from the doctoral exams, or refuses to issue diplomas to those who have already inished their doctorate.393 389 Pariser Tageszeitung, No. 122, 11 October 1936, p. 2. 390 Sopade, No. 12, December 1936, p. 1652. 391 LA Berlin, A Rep. 021, No. 8, Bd. 2, no fols.: Volkshochschule Groß-Berlin, Mitteilungsblatt No. 1 1936–1937 (printed, n.p.), p. 3; and ibid., Volkshochschule Groß-Berlin, Arbeitsplan 1936–1937 (printed, n.p.), pp. 5, 23. 392 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1936, Teil VIII, p. 240, No. 314: Decree Plath (Lord Mayor/School Administration). 393 CZA Jerusalem, S 7, No. 357, no fols.: Reports on anti-Jewish measures and incidents in Germany (1936). 93 1936 Licenses to rent out chairs at municipal squares and in city parks will in future be dependent on producing “proof of Aryan descent” (By order of the municipal administration).394 he police chief orders a number of butcher shops and sausage factories owned by Jews to shut down (By order of the chief of police).395 Jews cannot be assigned as public defenders to members of the NSDAP (Court ruling, State Court Berlin).396 he Berlin State Labor Court rules that marriage to a Jewish woman provides suicient grounds for dismissal and dismisses the case lodged by the “Aryan employee” of an association against his being ired from his job (Judgment, Berlin State Labor Court).397 In the irst year ater promulgation of the “Nuremberg Laws on Protection of Blood,” a total of 102 men (mainly Jews) were indicted in Berlin courts on the charge of “race deilement” (Rassenschande) and 98 were found guilty. Of 97 penalties extending beyond a ine, 53 were imprisonment from three to 12 months; 37 received prison terms of more than a year and seven were sent to penitentiary.398 394 According to Conidential Instructions from the Reich Propaganda Ministry to the German press; see Der gelbe Fleck, p. 183. 395 Sopade, No. 12, December 1936, p. 1655. 396 Ibid., p. 1653. 397 Ibid., p. 1654. 398 Statistisches Jahrbuch der Stadt Berlin, 14. Jg., 1938, Berlin 1939, pp. 206–207. 94 1937 1937 12 JANUARY All members of the group Book Trade in the National Reich Chamber of Literature in the Gau Berlin are ordered to do the following: (a) to report to the police Jewish owners of book stores and publishing houses which employ Jews; (b) to identify businesses (for example, one-price stores) owned by Jews which sell literature of all kinds. Such sales are prohibited for them since passage of the “1st Implementation Ordinance” of the Law on the Reich Chamber of Culture; (c) to report to the authorities all publishing houses or book stores which promote publishing houses in Jewish ownership or have advertisements on the walls of their rooms (Circular, Group Book Trade, National Reich Chamber of Literature).399 29 JANUARY Jews employed in the municipal administration or its irms and undertakings are excluded from the newly introduced oath of allegiance to the “Führer.” Instead they are required to sign a written statement of support for the National Socialist state (Decree, Lord Mayor).400 22 FEBRUARY In implementation of the “Reich Citizenship Law,” data on religion, “especially in the case of persons of Jewish descent,” must be very carefully registered with the police registration system. he police precincts are required to send on any changes to police headquarters, Dept. II, Sec. J. (By order of the chief of police).401 MID-MARCH At the last moment, the Berlin Gestapo bans an already approved delegate convention of the League of Jewish Youth Associations of Germany, scheduled to begin 14 March in Berlin, and for which hundreds of participants had already arrived.402 9 APRIL Children of “Jewish descent” (suicient is one Jewish grandparent) from Berlin and elsewhere are no longer allowed to attend special extension classes (Aubauklassen) in the elementary schools (Decree, Lord Mayor).403 399 Wulf, Literatur, pp. 487–488. 400 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1937, Teil I, p. 41, No. 37: Circular decree, Plath to district mayors and owner-operated municipal enterprises, etc. (p.p. Lord Mayor). 401 Beilage C zu den Amtlichen Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 14, 26 February 1937. 402 Sopade, No. 7, July 1937, p. 936. 403 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1937, Teil VIII, p. 120, No. 147: Decree Plath (Lord Mayor/School Administration). 96 1937 12 APRIL All dealers in raw products licensed from 15 May 1937 for collection of waste materials must sign a written declaration that they will not sell collected waste materials and secondary materials to Jewish dealers. In the event of violations, the municipal peddler permit shall be revoked or shall not be further extended (Directive, deputy NSDAP Gau leiter Berlin).404 19 APRIL In connection with the country-wide liquidation of the B’nai B’rith lodge as a result of a decree by Himmler on 10 April, all leading Berlin members of B’nai B’rith are taken into custody for a time. he lodge building on Kleiststraße and its furnishings are coniscated on 19 April. he inances and archive of the lodge are also coniscated. he residents in the B’nai B’rith home for the elderly in Berlin are brutally thrown into the street; de facto this means a form of expropriation of these persons, since they had transferred their assets to the home in order to stay there. he Jewish Community in Berlin is later ordered to lease or buy back the home. During the liquidation of the lodge, Jewish Kulturbund cultural activities are forced to come to a halt for a time in the city. Sports events are also banned.405 28 APRIL In future, police oices have to report individuals to the inancial authorities in whose case there is strong suspicion that they are preparing to emigrate (application for passport, sale of real estate, liquidation of a business, etc.). In the case of applications for passports, Jews and persons of wealth must be reported (Decree, Chief of Police).406 11 MAY Oicials, clerks and employees of the police must restrict to the necessary minimum “personal and written communication” with Jews (By order of the chief of police).407 3 JUNE At a meeting of the municipal administration, step-by-step strategies are discussed for making it impossible for Jews to use public bathing facilities. A central order to this end is viewed as impracticable because of feared negative repercussions for for404 Cited in ordinance by the Chief of Police, 6 July 1937; Amtliche Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 46, 13 July 1937, p. 71. 405 Sopade, No. 7, July 1937, p. 940; see YV Jerusalem, 051/OSOBI, No. 397 (Moscow 500-1-623), no fols.: memo Hagen (Security service II 112), 4 November 1938. 406 he reporting form with special columns for “Jews” and “Mischlinge” was sent to the responsible inance oice, with a copy to the state police oice Berlin, the customs investigation oice for Berlin and Brandenburg, the district mayor, the Reichsbank, the chief inancial oicer for Berlin (Foreign Currency Oice) and chief inancial oicer for Berlin (Central Information Oice); Beilage A zu den Amtlichen Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 31, 7 May 1937. 407 Amtliche Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 33, 19 May 1937, p. 53. 97 1937 eign policy. Jews are already barred from entering two municipal indoor swimming pools. In most of the other indoor pools and outdoor facilities, signs have been posted stating that Jews are not welcome as guests. A small number, including the beach at Lake Wannsee, have no current entry restrictions. he plan is to put up more strict prohibition signs in all bathing facilities, and to leave only one, the pool facility on Dennewitzstraße, without such signs. A similar approach will be adopted in all outdoor swimming facilities, except for the Wannsee beach, due to the many foreign visitors who frequent facilities there.408 10 JUNE Efective 1 July 1937, female Jewish students are no longer to be admitted as pupils at the nursing school of the Municipal Hospital Friedrichshain (Regulations of the Sisterhood of the Municipal Horst Wessel Hospital).409 JUNE he “Directory of Licensed Physicians, Medical X-Ray Institutes and Laboratories, Truss Makers, Opticians, Inhalation Units and Bathing Facilities in Greater Berlin and the Vicinity” appears with an overprint: “he counter clerks at the State Health Service oices can provide information on the racial background of the Health Service physicians if so desired.”410 UNTIL JULY A housing cooperative in the Treptow district cancels the leases of all Jewish tenants and forces them to move out at the next possible date.411 When new restaurants are opened, Jews are required to post a sign outside stating “Jewish Restaurant.”412 MID-AUGUST he Park Authority in the Prenzlauer Berg district marks 92 of 100 benches in Teutoburger Park: “Prohibited for Jews.”413 408 Stenographic report on negotiations, 9th session with the councilmen (among participants Lippert and Conti); facsimile in Sopade, No. 7, July 1937, pp. 939–940. 409 Paragraph B, Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1937, Teil I, p. 208, No. 181: Decree Lord Mayor Lippert. 410 Facsimile in Leibfried, Stephan/Tennstedt, Florian, Berufsverbote und Sozialpolitik. Die Auswirkungen der nationalsozialistischen Machtergreifung auf die Krankenkassenverwaltung und die Kassenärzte. Analysen, Materialien zu Angrif und Selbsthilfe, Erinnerungen, Bremen 1979, p. 105. 411 Sopade, No. 7, July 1937, p. 941. 412 Ibid., p. 942. 413 Der Angrif, 18 August 1937. 98 1937 END OF AUGUST he Wilmersdorf district administration places benches painted yellow at a number of public squares for “Jews as deined by the Nuremberg Laws.”414 30 SEPTEMBER he NSDAP local group Heerstraße demands the cancellation of leases for Jewish tenants in the buildings of the Mutual Construction Society Berlin-Heerstraße, Westendallee 72–76. hey call on the Berlin municipal administration as owner to clear the apartments to make way for “Volksgenossen with larger families, possibly along with a grant-in-aid from the authorities.”415 10 OCTOBER he “Reich Archive for Supply Sources at the German Labor Front” in Berlin provides information about “Aryan or non-Aryan structures” of commercial irms and manufacturing plants.416 6 NOVEMBER In order to ensure that municipal employees no longer go to Jewish doctors, a ”Directory of Jewish Physicians in the Reich Capital” will be published for their information (as of 1 November 1937); it can later be consulted at all oices, including schools (Decree, Lord Mayor).417 9 NOVEMBER Lippert, appointed Lord Mayor and City President in January 1937, reconirms his decision to permit “Jews’ schools” (Judenschulen) solely with a maximum capacity of up to 100 pupils. his is done on the occasion of a discussion about the private school Kaliski in Dahlem, in order to keep Jewish pupils from other Berlin districts out of Dahlem.418 414 Report of the NSDAP District Oice for Municipal Policy pointing to a former unpublished report of September 1937; BA Berlin, NS 25, No. 86, fol. 9: Reich Directorate/Main Oice for Municipal Policy “Conidential Report Excerpts”, 1 March 1938, III. Shipment 1938 (printed), p. 1. See also Sopade, No. 11, November 1937, p. 1567; and Wiemers, Personalpolitik und allgemeine Verwaltung, pp. 109, 114. 415 LA Berlin, A Rep. 009, No. 31419, fol. 15; reproduced in VEJ, Vol. 1, Doc. 297, p. 709. 416 Amtliche Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 68, 19 October 1937, p. 105. 417 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1937, Teil I, pp. 393–407, No. 323: Circular decree Steeg (p.p. Lord Mayor). 418 Letter, City President to Minister for Science, Education and Popular Instruction, 9 November 1937, facsimile in Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin, Bilder und Dokumente, p. 299. 99 1937 16 NOVEMBER he Reich Interior Ministry issues a directive to restrict the issuing of passports for Jews to a small number of cases. Jews can receive passports only if they are emigrating, in the interest of the economy, in cases of sickness or death of relatives abroad, in the event of their own illness, and for visiting children in educational establishments abroad. DECEMBER In future, permits are declared necessary in Berlin to establish a new irm or store in the textile trade. Applications by Jews will not be honored.419 UNTIL THE END OF DECEMBER In the second year ater promulgation of the “Nuremberg Laws on Protection of Blood,” Berlin courts have already indicted 149 men (primarily Jews) for “race deilement,” i.e. extra-marital relations with “Aryan” women. Of these, 128 have been pronounced guilty. he courts have handed down 34 sentences of imprisonment from three to 12 months, as well as 29 sentences of imprisonment for more than one year. Half of the penalties (64) now have speciied coninement in a penitentiary. In 1937, ines are no longer being levied for this crime, and short prison terms of less than three months were only ordered in one case.420 As an efect of the measures of persecution, the number of retail shops whose owners are considered Jews has plummeted from 6,000 in 1933 to 4,000 at the end of 1937. he main reasons are termination of businesses on emigration, economic diiculties and “Aryanization sales.”421 419 Frankfurter Zeitung, 28 December 1937; see he Jewish Black Book Committee. he Black Book. he Nazi Crime against the Jewish People, New York 1946, p. 95. 420 Statistisches Jahrbuch der Stadt Berlin, 15. Jg., 1939, Berlin 1943, pp. 209–210. 421 Viseur, Die Entjudung des Einzelhandels. 100 1938 1938 1 JANUARY hroughout Germany, on this day permits for Jewish doctors to practice with so-called supplementary health insurance schemes (Ersatzkassen) expire. For this reason, the “Directory of Licensed Physicians, Medical X-Ray Institutes and Laboratories, Truss Makers, Opticians, Inhalation Units and Bathing Facilities in Greater Berlin and the Vicinity” issued by the Local Committee Greater Berlin of the Association of White-Collar Health Insurances Schemes (Verband der AngestelltenKrankenkassen) appears with a sticker: “Ater 1 January 1938, it is prohibited to consult doctors in this directory whose names are marked in front with a bold dot (Jewish physicians).”422 5 JANUARY he Reichsführer-SS and Chief of the German Police (Himmler) orders the Gestapo to expel all Jews with a Soviet passport, except for those in diplomatic service. hey are to be ousted “from the territory of the Reich without further explanation, with a time limit of 10 days for departure.” Whoever does not leave the country voluntarily and within the allotted time, will be deported. 6 JANUARY Since in Berlin practice by physicians at the supplementary health insurance schemes is linked with activity as a welfare doctor, Jewish doctors are also now barred from that function at these Ersatzkassen. Health insurance vouchers and prescription blanks for social welfare patients, etc. are deemed invalid and have to be surrendered (Decree, Lord Mayor).423 5 FEBRUARY For the information of municipal employees, a “Directory of Jewish Dentists (Zahnärzte) in the Reich Capital” is issued (as of 13 December 1937) (Decree, Lord Mayor).424 422 Facsimile in Leibfried/Tennstedt, Berufsverbote, p. 105. 423 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil VII, p. 8, No. 13: Circular decree Lord Mayor Lippert. 424 he list includes the Berlin dentists who are members of the Association of Panel Dentists of Germany (Kassenzahnärztliche Vereinigung) or the German Dental Association (without “Mischlinge” and those married to Jews); Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil I, pp. 55–58, No. 30: Circular decree Steeg (p.p. Lord Mayor). Cf. Stürzbecher, Manfred, Judenverfolgung im Berliner Gesundheitswesen, in: Jahrbuch für Brandenburgische Landesgeschichte 39 (1988), p. 165. 102 1938 1 MARCH Jewish physicians are no longer licensed for any measures associated with implementation of the Law on Combatting Venereal Diseases. “Detection certiicates” submitted by patients should be checked against the lists. Certiicates issued by Jewish doctors cannot be accepted (Decree, Lord Mayor).425 4 MARCH Reacting to the results of a survey by the German Council of Municipalities from the end of February, the Municipal Pawn Oice Berlin now supports the exclusion of Jews from auctions. Based solely on considerations of material interest, the Municipal Pawn Oice Berlin questions at the same time a general ban on Jews from entering municipal pawn oices. he reason for that is if “the Jewish pawn shops cease to exist, Jewish pawners as such do not need to be excluded, since their objects for pawning would not be misdirected in the event of forfeit or expiry.”426 5 MARCH For the information of municipal employees, a “Directory of Jewish Dental practitioner (Dentists) in the Reich Capital” is issued (as of 1 February 1938) (Decree, Lord Mayor).427 12 MARCH Efective 1 April 1938, female Jews are no longer accepted as nursing students at any municipal nursing schools and schools training nurses for the care of infants and small children. he same restriction applies for training male caregiver personnel (Regulations and Instructions on Implementing Regulations on the Sisterhoods of the Municipal Hospitals Horst-Wessel, Westend, Köpenick, Frauenklinik Charlottenburg, Children’s Hospital and Maternity Home Charlottenburg, Waldhaus Charlottenburg and Erwin Liek in Reinickendorf).428 13 MARCH he German Reich annexes Austria. Brutal persecutions of Jews take place in subsequent days and weeks in Vienna and other Austrian localities. 425 Refers to a decree of 19 July 1933; Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil VII, p. 73, No. 73: Circular decree Conti (p.p. Lord Mayor). 426 LA Berlin, B Rep. 142-07, 4-10-3/No. 22, no fols.: Pawn Oice Berlin to GCM Berlin, 4 March 1938. 427 “Mischlinge” and those married to Jews are expressly excluded from the decree; Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil I, pp. 101–102, No. 57: Circular decree Steeg (p.p. Lord Mayor). he German term “Dentist” in this directory indicates that these dental practitioners are not oicially “licensed” as medical doctors. 428 his decree rescinds the regulations of the Horst Wessel Hospital of 10 June 1937; Paragraph B and C; Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil I, pp. 111–114, No. 62: Decree Plath (p.p. Lord Mayor) and ibid., p. 114, No. 63: Decree of the same day. 103 1938 30 MARCH Since from 6 January 1938 all Jewish social welfare physicians were forced to terminate practice, the municipality, in agreement with the Association of Panel Doctors of Germany/State Branch Oice Berlin now appoints 20 Jewish doctors for the separate treatment of Jews in need of social welfare assistance. Until Jewish specialist doctors are approved for further treatment of patients, the 20 doctors also are in charge of specialist treatment “according to their best knowledge and ability.” From 1 April, Jews are no longer entitled to treatment by “Aryan” social welfare physicians. Health insurance vouchers for needy Jews must be marked by hand with signature or by a stamp with the words: “Jew! Only valid for approved Jewish social welfare doctors.” (Decree, Lord Mayor).429 31 MARCH According to a regulation issued by the Reich Interior Ministry on 24 March 1938 on the option of taking into account beneits paid by Jewish welfare oices to needy Jews, the Berlin Welfare Oices will in future fully count extra beneits from Jewish welfare oices towards the obligatory beneits of public welfare (Decree, Lord Mayor).430 1 APRIL Due to the anti-Jewish measures of persecution, the number of Jewish-owned retail stores has shrunk almost by half since 1933. Declining from 6,000 in 1933 and 4,000 at the end of 1937, on 1 April 1938 only 3,105 stores are registered.431 5 APRIL For the information of all municipal employees, a “Supplement I to the Directory of Jewish Physicians in the Reich Capital” (as of 10 February 1938) is issued, with up-todate changes. In future, such supplements are to appear four times a year (Decree, Lord Mayor).432 8 APRIL he “hospital care for Jews (needy individuals, those with statutory health insurance, those paying directly)” is assigned to Jewish hospitals and sanatoriums. Municipal medical institutions and the Municipal Bureau for Available Hospital Beds may in future determine the “racial character” of patients and then direct Jewish patients to Jewish institutions (unless they are in critical condition or if no suitable places are 429 Ibid., Teil VII, pp. 113–114, No. 104: Decree Steeg (p.p. Lord Mayor); see Stürzbecher, Judenverfolgung, pp. 165–166. 430 Ibid., p. 116, No. 106: Decree Breitenfeld (State Welfare Oice). 431 BA Berlin, R 3901 (former R 41), No. 156, fol. 130: Statistics, Lord Mayor/Municipal Economic Oice, 24 March 1939. 432 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil I, p. 175, No. 94: Circular decree Conti (p.p. Lord Mayor). 104 1938 available in Jewish institutions). Municipal welfare will cover the costs for treatment of needy Jews in Jewish institutions up to the allowed amounts of the regular Reich insurance schemes, though without applying regulations for a possible reduction in cost (Decree, Lord Mayor).433 9 APRIL For housekeeping services provided by the Jewish Women’s League in Berlin, the new increased municipal rates of pay from 1 April 1938 are not applicable. Applications for remuneration in the case of needy Jews must be carefully scrutinized by the welfare oices. hey will be approved only in urgent cases, and only in the absolutely necessary degree of coverage. For home care services, persons should contact the oices set up by the Jewish Women’s League (Decree, Lord Mayor).434 26 APRIL he “Ordinance on the Obligation to Report Jewish Assets” places the property of German Jews throughout the Reich under state supervision. Jews are required to register their total wealth in Germany and abroad if this exceeds the value of 5,000 RM. Excluded from the requirement for registration are home furnishings and personal efects of the individuals afected. All legal business transactions with Jews such as sale, leasing or renewed opening of shops will in future require a permit. A list of the “Jewish specialist doctors” approved for social welfare medical treatment of Jews is published. he “Aryan doctors” treating needy Jews must now transfer them to the approved Jewish specialist physicians, who are only permitted to treat Jewish patients (Decree, Lord Mayor).435 27 APRIL In future, the Berlin welfare and youth oices must register who among those receiving regular support is Jewish, if necessary by consulting the Election Oice. heir iles are to be marked by a “J” in the upper right corner. In the case of persons who are not receiving regular support, this should be determined when they submit their next application. Special forms in yellow have been prepared and are to be used for Jews on social welfare for purposes of the future segregated treatment by physicians and care at hospitals (patient referral slips, patient hospitalization slips, etc.). he corresponding 433 Ibid., Teil VII, p. 121, No. 111: Decree Plath (p.p. Lord Mayor); see Stürzbecher, Judenverfolgung, p. 166. 434 Housekeeping services for Jews: 1 hour 0.45 RM (versus 0.55 RM new rate), 2 hours 0.90 RM (new: 1.10 RM), 3 hours 1.35 RM (new: 1,65 RM), 4 hours 1.70 RM (new rate: 2.20 RM), 5 hours 2 RM (compared with 2.75 RM), more than 5 hours and up to a full day 2.50 RM (new rates: 3.30 RM), for the night 2.70 RM (new rate: 4 RM), for wash day 3.60 RM (new rate: 4.40 RM); Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil VII, p. 124, No. 114: Decree Spiewok (Lord Mayor/State Welfare Oice). 435 Ibid., p. 148, No. 142: Circular decree Conti (p.p. Lord Mayor). 105 1938 vouchers for Jews not on regular support have been prepared as special forms in red color with yellow crossbars (Decree, Lord Mayor).436 Supplemental to the decree on treatment of Jews in hospitals of 8 April 1938, it has been determined that due to the small number of Jewish patients in municipal hospitals, no special hospitalization slips will be printed, as was done for example in the case of Jews in need of social welfare services. It is deemed suicient if the associations of health insurance schemes, the hospitals and other oices mark the existing forms in red with the word “Jew” (Decree, Lord Mayor).437 END OF APRIL/MID-MAY Commissioned to do so by police chief Helldorf, the Staatspolizeileitstelle (Gestapo) Berlin is preparing a comprehensive conception of persecution against the Berlin Jews for Reich propaganda minister and NSDAP Gauleiter Joseph Goebbels. It aims at their separation in all spheres of life, in order “over the longer term, to create a kind of ghetto.” Inter alia the concept comprises demands for a total ban on commercial activity, the cancellation of obligatory schooling for Jewish children, and a “head tax” for Jews (Memo on the Treatment of Jews in the Reich Capital in All Spheres of Public Life).438 11 MAY Himmler, Reichsführer-SS and Chief of the German Police, orders the police in future to strictly supervise the stay of Romanian Jews in Germany. In cases of the most minor violations of laws, they are to be expelled. his also holds even if the Romanian authorities should strip Jews of their citizenship. 20 MAY From now on, the Berlin Youth Oices will deny foster parents the permit to care for a child, if one parent is Jewish and the child is “Aryan“, or the child is “Jewish” and the foster parents are considered “Aryan” (Guidelines for Granting Permission for Accepting Foster Children in the Reich Capital Berlin).439 25 MAY In order to implement the municipal decrees issued since the spring of 1938 on the separation and discrimination of the Jews in the realm of social welfare service, the Welfare Oice needs to ask the Election Oice for a complete list of Berlin Jews and Jewish “Mischlinge” in order to identify Jews on social welfare support.440 436 Ibid., p. 147, No. 140: Decree Spiewok (Lord Mayor/State Welfare Oice). 437 LA Berlin, B Rep. 214 Neukölln, Acc. 794, No. 13, no fols.: Decree Conti (p.p. Lord Mayor). 438 Memo reproduced in Gruner, Denkschrit, pp. 305–341. 439 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil VII, pp. 165–166, No. 167: Decree Behagel (State Youth Oice). 440 LA Berlin, B Rep. 214 Neukölln, Acc. 794, No. 13, no fols.: excerpt from discussion, 25 May 1938. 106 1938 28 MAY A Jewish irm is named for the separate provision of orthopedic aids (protheses, etc.) to needy Jews on social welfare. Two new forms “in yellow” will mark needy Jews for provision of orthopedic aids (Decree, Berlin State Welfare Oice).441 MAY A questionnaire of the German Council of Municipalities on the treatment of Jews in municipal pawn oices from the end of February found that about half of the over 50 municipal pawn oices in Germany discriminated in some way against Jews. As a later reverberation of this, Berlin now bars Jews from public auctions in the Municipal Pawn Oice.442 he police organizes raids in establishments owned by Jews on the Kurfürstendamm. Just on 30 May alone, 339 persons are arrested, the greater majority of them Jews.443 Stores owned by Jews are attacked in several Berlin districts, their display windows smashed or daubed with paint and slogans. In Tempelhof, for example, the clearance sale in a shop for knitted goods was forcibly halted, and customers in solidarity were photographed. Worse violence occurs on 30 May in Tegel. Not only are stores attacked but their owners are also beaten up.444 9 JUNE Fairness measures to reduce or terminate dog taxes are no longer applicable in the case of Jews (Decree, Lord Mayor).445 10 JUNE Goebbels declares before more than 300 police oicers: “he slogan now is not law and order, but harassment. he Jews must leave Berlin. he police will assist me in this matter.”446 441 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil VII, p. 179, No. 180: Decree Behagel (State Welfare Oice). 442 LA Berlin, B Rep. 142-07, 4–10–3/No. 23, no fols.: handwritten memo on indings of survey by GCM/ Dept. IV, 25 February 1938, pp. 1–2. 443 Dirks, Christian, Die „Juni-Aktion“ 1938 in Berlin, in: Meyer/Simon, Juden in Berlin, p. 37. See also Sopade, No. 7, July 1938, p. 754. 444 Wildt, Judenpolitik, p. 55; Dirks, p. 34; Sopade, No. 7, July 1938, pp. 755, 759–760. 445 LA Berlin, A Rep. 047-08, No. 119, no fols.: Administrative report, Tax Oice Lichtenberg, 1 April 1938 to 31 August 1939. 446 Goebbels, Tagebücher, Teil I, p. 452, entry, 11 June 1938. 107 1938 13 JUNE Creation of a Department for Jewish Afairs in the police headquarters for “uniform handling of all matters pertaining to Jews by the individual oices and agencies” (By order of the chief of police).447 13 TO 20 JUNE A raid is organized in the Reich against so-called asocial elements. With this operation, some 10,000 “able-bodied males (asocials)” – by this term “asocial” the Nazis meant vagrants, beggars, Gypsies, pimps and persons with previous convictions, a criminal record – are sent to concentration camps, for the beneit of the economic Four-Year Plan. Because independently of that, Hitler previously had ordered that Jews with criminal records should be seized for forced labor deployment in excavation work, Heydrich also implements this in the framework of the “operation against asocial elements” and has more than 2,500 Jews arrested. he police carries out planned night-time raids in Berlin, for example on 15 June in restaurants and movie theatres near the Gedächtniskirche. In the process, Jews with minor previous convictions, i.e. sentenced with at least a month in jail, are arrested in connection with the nation-wide raid against so-called asocial elements. A total of 824 Jews are brought to the Sachsenhausen concentration camp near Berlin, some 13.2 percent of all those interned in the camp as a result of this operation. Among the Berlin Jews, during a medical examination some sick and the elderly over 70 are also classiied as “able-bodied and able to live in a camp.” Several Jews taken to the concentration camp die just in the irst few days alone due to the conditions of coninement there.448 At the same time, anti-Jewish violent disturbances erupt across Berlin in many urban districts. Shops owned by Jewish proprietors are attacked by the SA, Hitler Youth or civilians, daubed with graiti and boycotted. Angry crowds gather, initially on 13 June on the Kurfürstendamm and at Bayerischer Platz in Wilmersdorf. Hundreds threaten Jewish shop owners on 16 June at Horst-Wessel-Platz and on 20 June on Königstraße. In a number of cases, the boycotted stores are plundered by SA men or civilians.449 447 According to decree on liquidation, 14 March 1939; see Amtliche Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 12, 23 March 1939, p. 35. 448 he victims of the operation, 248 “Gypsies” along with the Jews, are sent to the Sachsenhausen concentration camp in the period from 18 to 25 June 1938; Archiv der Gedenkstätte und Museum Sachsenhausen, R 201 M 3, fol. 1, 54, 83, 86 and ibid., M 2, fol. 198. I am grateful to Monika Schmidt for making these igures available to me. See the report by Joachim Prinz, cited in Wetzel, Juliane, Auswanderung aus Deutschland, in: Benz, Wolfgang (ed.), Die Juden in Deutschland 1933–1945. Leben unter nationalsozialistischer Herrschat, Munich 1988, p. 427. See also Sopade, No. 7 July 1938, pp. 757, 761. 449 Dirks, pp. 34–35; Sopade, No. 7, July 1938, pp. 756–761. See Goebbels, Tagebücher, Teil I, Vol. 3, p. 463, entry of 22 June 1938. 108 1938 All Jewish public events are prohibited for several days.450 14 JUNE he “3rd Implementation Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Law” deines shops, irms and commercial companies as “Jewish” if the owner or at least one partner or capital owner is classiiable as a “Jew” according to the “1st Implementation Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Law.” From small traders to corporations, all “Jewish” businesses are listed in special local directories. Later they are also slated to be publicly marked as such. he ordinance creates the basis for the planned Aryanization by compulsion. hat same day, the Reich economy minister revokes his decree against applying the “Aryan Clause” in the economy and orders the rapid exclusion of all Jews from economic life in keeping with the directives of the Plenipotentiary for the Four-Year Plan, Hermann Göring. 21 JUNE Adolf Hitler moves to halt the violence in Berlin. Joseph Goebbels gives a speech during Midsummer celebrations to a crowd of 120,000 in the Berlin Olympics Stadium. He tells them: “Isn’t it infuriating, doesn’t your face turn red with rage, if you think that in recent months no less than 3,000 Jews have relocated to Berlin? What do they want here? hey should go back where they came from and should stop being a burden for us. hey shouldn’t act as though there had been no national revolution at all.” Goebbels calls on the population to “remain disciplined, not engage in actions by individuals, and leave the rest up to the government.” he struggle against “international Jewry” is being “waged in Berlin legally and in strict adherence to the law of the Party and the state, and not in the streets. And by means of legal measures, we are taking steps to ensure that in the foreseeable future, Jewish inluence in the economy will also be crushed.”451 22 JUNE he chief of police issues a directive that “events involving Jews” should be uniformly marked in police records. he irst oice dealing with such events should mark the ile with a red “J.” his order applies to all documents, reports, accusations, events and applications that refer in some way to Jews.452 450 CJA Berlin, Bestand 1, 75 A Berlin 2, No. 271, fol. 24: Circular letter, Jewish Community, 19 June 1938. 451 VB (Berlin edition), No. 174, 23 June 1938, p. 4; printed in: Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden durch das nationalsozialistische Deutschland 1933–1945, eds. Götz Aly et al., Vol. 2: Deutsches Reich 1938 – August 1939, comp. by Susanne Heim, Munich 2009, Doc. 48, pp. 180–182. See also Sopade, No. 7, July 1938, pp. 749, 760. 452 Mentioned in a communication by the police chief, signed Graf von Helldorf, 20 July 1938, with guidelines for the treatment of Jews and for dealing with Jewish afairs (copy); RGVA (Special Archives Moscow), 500-1-603, no fols. 109 1938 28 JUNE he Wilmersdorf district excludes Jewish mothers from municipal infant and child care services (By order of the mayor).453 JUNE Scholarships for gited pupils at high schools and middle schools can no longer be awarded to Jews and “Mischlinge” (By order of the Lord Mayor).454 JUNE/JULY Subsequent to negotiations with the Oice for Race Policy of the NSDAP and ater agreement of the Reich Propaganda Ministry, the municipal administration marks a small number of park benches in all areas of Berlin where there is a high concentration of Jews by painting the benches a dull yellow, with the notice: “For Jews only.” he same is done at children’s playgrounds.455 1 JULY Jews or legal persons considered Jews are not granted deferment of payments, in addition to ministerial regulations prohibiting a remission on taxes. According to deinition (valid likewise for foundations, associations, institutes and other enterprises), businesses and limited partnerships are even considered “Jewish” if they are “under the dominant inluence of Jews.” In order to implement the prohibition, Jews must be identiied and their real property must be marked in the tax roll and the property assessment registry with the letter “J” in the column for owner. his is done by utilizing lists for marital status, the property card-catalogue registry, decisions of the land registries, the knowledge of experts in the Tax Oice and material from the Election Oice (Decree, Lord Mayor).456 2 JULY Until the publication in three to four months of new directories by the German Labor Front, the social welfare oices must determine in each and every case, before ordering massages or baths, whether the potential masseur is an “Aryan” or “non-Aryan.” If necessary, an inquiry can be directed to the Labor Front (Decree, Berlin State Welfare Oice).457 453 Ater a discussion on 28 June 1938; see Stürzbecher, Judenverfolgung, p. 168. 454 Jüdische Rundschau, 28 June 1938; see Walk, II/496, p. 231. 455 Mentioned in Stadtarchiv Leipzig, Kap. 1, No. 122, fols. 136+RS: Lord Mayor/Municipal Planning Oice Berlin (Pfeil) to Lord Mayor/Oice of Parks and Gardens, 20 July 1938. 456 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil IX, pp. 99–100, No. 83: Decree Hettlage (Lord Mayor/Main Administrative Oice for Taxation). See ibid., 1940, Teil IX, p. 47, No. 60: Municipal Procedural Regulations for Fairness measures, on Circular decree of Reich Finance Ministry/Reich Interior Ministry, 22 January 1940. 457 Ibid., 1938, Teil VII, p. 217, No. 219: Decree Behagel (State Welfare Oice). 110 1938 6 JULY With the Law on Amending Trade Regulations, credit agencies, surveillance irms, real estate oices, marriage bureaus, tourist guide irms, traveling salesmen and peddling are classiied as prohibited areas of business activity for Jews, efective from 30 September or 31 December 1938.458 12 JULY he heads of district departments for marketing decide to reduce the size of weekly markets in Berlin districts with “large numbers of Jews” in such a way that Jewish sellers will be forced to leave the respective market In addition, the permits for all Jewish market sellers are to be promptly and correctly terminated at the next feasible date, without speciication of reasons.459 20 JULY he chief of police Graf von Helldorf issues 76 guidelines for the systematic harassment of the Jewish population. To cause German and stateless Jews to emigrate, police oices and oicials are to interpret all existing laws and regulations against them in a repressive manner. his also applies in the case of foreign Jews, but diplomatic conlicts should be avoided. he guidelines specify ines for Jews ive times greater than standard rates, for example during checks on traic. hey are also to be summoned for interrogation more frequently and intensively, especially on Saturdays and Jewish holidays. In the case of orders for penalty payment, Jews must always pay the highest amount of 50 RM or serve a week behind bars. More strict and intensiied checks on pricing, hygiene and ire protection are to be carried out in bars, businesses and irms owned by Jews in order to ind grounds to shut the establishment down. New permits for some individual branches of business, such as passenger transport, are denied, existing businesses are strictly supervised in order to be able to cancel concessions. Jewish pawn brokers, peddlers, ire insurance agents, art dealers and owners of lending libraries are to be pressured to give up their businesses. All special discounts are disallowed in the case of Jewish restaurants and bars, such as extension of set closing time, permits for dancing and to employ women workers, or to make a front garden for the bar. Generally in the case of Jewish businesses, the ordinance on price freezes should be rigidly enforced. In addition, precautionary measures should be taken to avoid licensing any new “Jewish sales booths” in municipal and private markets. In future, the police must coniscate driver’s licenses in cases of very minor violations, and order vehicles owned by Jews out of traic in the event of the smallest defects. In the case of transgressions by Jews of a special kind (such as smoking although pro458 RGBl., 1938 I, p. 823; Kennzeichen J. Bilder, Dokumente, Berichte zur Geschichte der Verbrechen des Hitlerfaschismus an den deutschen Juden 1933–1945, ed. Helmut Eschwege, Berlin 1981, p. 381. 459 LA Berlin, B Rep. 207 Charlottenburg, Acc. 3122, No. 5249, fol. 82: note, 12 July 1938. 111 1938 hibited in forested areas), the maximum penalty of 150 RM or 14 days imprisonment should be imposed. Licenses for ishing and hunting held by Jews should be cancelled. Possession of a weapon is strictly forbidden for Jews. (Highly conidential guidelines for dealing with Jews and Jewish matters).460 In response to a request by the Berlin State Welfare Oice of 25 May, the Berlin Election Oice provides the welfare oices with a directory of Berlin Jews and “Mischlinge.” With this list, the consultants in the individual districts can determine who among those persons receiving support is Jewish. hey then mark this ile and card-catalogue cards correspondingly.461 23 JULY he “3rd Announcement on the Obligatory Identiication Card” mandates Jews, in contrast with non-Jews, to apply for an ID card at the competent police oice by the end of 1938, specifying their “Jewish identity.” In future, Jews are required to carry their ID for identiication purposes at all times, and must point out their “racial character” in agencies and oices without being asked to do so. 25 JULY he “4th Implementation Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Law” cancels all licenses of Jewish doctors. Only a small number of physicians are exempted from this ban on professional practice: accorded the lesser status of a Krankenbehandler or “practitioner for the sick,” they are only permitted to treat Jewish patients. 27 JULY he Reich Interior Ministry issues a decree that all streets and squares in Germany still named ater Jews or Jewish “Mischlinge” must be immediately renamed if that has not already been done. END OF JULY Subsequent to the decree by the Reich Interior Ministry to rename streets with Jewish names, Berlin takes stock: of the more than 50 streets with Jewish names, already more than 30 have been renamed, most since the spring of 1938. In the administrative districts of Weißensee, Mitte, Wedding, Kreuzberg, Tempelhof, Köpenick and Lichtenberg, there are no longer any streets with names that commemorate Jews. City President and Lord Mayor Lippert makes some suggestions to police chief Helldorf so that “the last Jewish names soon will disappear from the street signs in the Reich capital.”462 460 RGVA (Special Archives Moscow), 500-1-603, no fols.: letter of chief of police, signed Graf von Helldorf, 20 July 1938 (copy); printed in: VEJ, Vol. 2, Doc. 68, pp. 234–243. 461 LA Berlin, B Rep. 214 Neukölln, Acc. 794, No. 13, no fols.: discussion, 20 July 1938. 462 Nordost-Zeitung, 6 August 1938; see Juden in Weißensee, p. 179. 112 1938 UNTIL THE END OF JULY he Schöneberg District Court rules that radios owned by Jews can be distrained; normally for reasons of political education, radio sets are not distrainable. he court inds that newspapers are suicient for Jews as a source of information (Judgment, Schöneberg Local Court).463 he Berlin Chamber of Commerce informs all Jewish sales representatives that they have to surrender their licences by 1 October 1938.464 Unemployed Jews and those on social welfare are regularly deployed by the welfare oices for unpaid conscript labor. Kept separate from the “Aryan” needy, 800 of them perform demolition work on the grounds of the former municipal gasworks Schmargendorf on the Ringbahn, and also toil in construction of a National Socialist model sports arena. A large number are likewise employed to demolish the gas meters and create park areas on Greifswalder Straße in the Prenzlauer Berg district.465 JULY/AUGUST In connection with the intensiied policy against Jews ordered by police chief Helldorf, the Berlin police sets up “traic traps,” initially as some high-traic intersections on the Kurfürstendamm, later on also in Weißensee in front of the Jewish cemetery and in Wedding in front of the Jewish Hospital on Iranische Straße. In the event of supposedly unlawful crossing at an intersection, such as on a yellow light, if Jews are involved as violators the police shall impose a ine of between 30 and 300 RM, instead of the customary penalties of up to 5 RM. Jews charged with such a violation are then considered as having a previous conviction.466 8 AUGUST he Central Health Oice, the Berlin Chamber of Physicians and the Association of Panel Doctors Berlin come to an agreement subsequent to the expiration of licenses of Jewish doctors as a result of the “4th Implementation Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Law” of 25 July 1938. he agreement stipulates that in future in Berlin, only 175 “practitioners for the sick” (including various specialists) will be licensed.467 463 Sopade, No. 7, July 1938, p. 746. 464 Ibid., p. 760. 465 Ibid., pp. 760–761. 466 Sopade, No. 11, November 1938, p. 1182; and report, Delt, 22 November 1938, Jüdisches Museum (no inventory number); see Hartung von Doetinchem, Zerstörte Fortschritte, p. 171. 467 Ater discussion on 8 August 1938 between Conti (Main Health Oice), representatives of the Association of Panel Doctors in Germany (Kassenärztliche Vereinigung) and the Berlin Chamber of Physicians; see Stürzbecher, Judenverfolgung, p. 167. 113 1938 11 AUGUST In the coming winter, Jews are to be forbidden entry to public, i.e. municipal heated rooms for the needy (Decree, Berlin State Welfare Oice).468 16 AUGUST he district mayors are instructed by 30 September 1938 to arrange preparation in their districts of a special statistical survey of all Jews on social welfare, broken down into categeories (Decree, Lord Mayor).469 17 AUGUST Head of the Oice for Municipal Policy of the NSDAP Gau Direction Berlin demands that the head of the Berlin State Welfare and Youth Oice rescind the regulation allowing “Mischlinge” to be accepted in day care centers if they are Christian by religion.470 17/18 AUGUST Jewish Germans who do not have a irst name included in a list of discriminatory “recognized Jewish” irst names must, as a result of the “2nd Implementation Ordinance to the Law on Changing First and Family Names,” accept the obligatory irst names Sara or Israel as an oicial part of their name, efective from 1 January 1939. hey are required to report this name change to the local police and then request an oicial document for this at their own expense from the town registry. hey must always present their discriminatory compulsory irst names in public and in dealing with the authorities, as well as in business. 22 AUGUST he district mayor of Charlottenburg pronounces “the weekly markets in Charlottenburg Jew-free.”471 23 AUGUST Efective immediately, vehicles owned and operated by Jews are to have special license numbers above 355000 in order to be publicly marked. Previous numeration in Berlin reached the number 310000 (Order, Dept. of Jewish Afairs, Police headquarters).472 468 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil VII, p. 248, No. 261: Decree Behagel (State Welfare Oice). Ater that this decree was issued anew every year; see ibid., 1939, Teil VII, p. 252, No. 242: Decree, 3 August 1939. Cf. Decree, 13 November 1944; cited in Wippermann, Steinerne Zeugen, p. 104. 469 Among other things, gathering information on the jobless who are on welfare, additionally supported unemployed, compulsory laborers, etc.; LA Berlin, B Rep. 214 Neukölln, Acc. 794, No. 13, no fols.: Decree Behagel (State Welfare Oice). 470 LA Berlin, A Rep. 003-02, No. 76, fol. 105: NSDAP Gau Directorate/Oice for Municipal Policy, Gau oice director to Behagel (State Welfare and Youth Oice), 17 August 1938. 471 LA Berlin, B Rep. 207 Charlottenburg, Acc. 3122, No. 5249, fol. 87: Handwritten Decree to Lord Mayor, 22 August 1938. 472 YV Jerusalem, 051/OSOBI (500-1-261), No. 88, fol. 47: telex, Security Service Higher Section East, Berlin, 23 August 1938. 114 1938 1 SEPTEMBER he large urban housing company, the Gemeinnützige Siedlungs- und Wohnungsbaugesellschat Berlin Ltd., sends an eviction notice to all Jewish tenants, with the threat of an action for annulment of tenancy. he reason given is that “Aryan” tenants are no longer willing to put up with disturbances in their household community, and that the apartments are needed for “Aryan Volksgenossen.” (Instruction, Gemeinnützige Siedlungs- und Wohnungsbaugesellschat Berlin m.b.H.).473 14 SEPTEMBER A discussion is held in the oice of the General Building Inspector with representatives of the city of Berlin for redesigning the Reich capital. General Building Inspector Albert Speer proposes to eliminate the expected shortage of large apartments as a result of clearing of buildings in the areas slated for demolition by the “forced relocation (Ausmietung) of Jews” instead of new construction. In this scheme, only 2,700 small apartments in the form of a “Jewish settlement” would be built, not 2,500 large apartments.474 MID-SEPTEMBER he Charlottenburg Local Court rejects the complaint by a Jew against the cancellation of his lease by a municipal building society on the grounds that Jews who do not voluntarily vacate their apartment represent “a substantial nuisance” for a mutual Berlin housing association, since they do no belong to the “Volksgemeinschat” (Judgment, Charlottenburg Local Court).475 18 SEPTEMBER Writing in the Berliner Gemeindeblatt, the executive committee of the Jewish Community warns its members about the abusive street checks being carried out by the police. Dozens have fallen victim to them and have either had to pay high ines or even spend a few days locked up behind bars.476 473 LA Berlin, A Rep. 009, No. 31419, fol. 41: letter to all districts, 1 September 1938. 474 BA Berlin, R 4606, No. 157, fols. 209–212: Memo, General Building Inspector, 15 September 1938. On these events, see Willems, Der entsiedelte Jude, pp. 72–80. 475 VB, 18 September 1938; facsimile in „Schon damals ingen viele an zu schweigen …“ Quellensammlung zur Geschichte Charlottenburgs von 1933–1945, Berlin 1986, p. 96. 476 „Straßen-Verkehrsordnung beachten“, in: Jüdisches Gemeindeblatt, 18 September 1938, p. 5; reproduced in Simon, Hermann, Die Berliner Juden unter dem Nationalsozialismus, in: Der Bär von Berlin. Jahrbuch 1995 des Vereins für die Geschichte Berlins, Bonn 1995, p. 140. 115 1938 20 SEPTEMBER Needy Jews (including social welfare recipients and the unemployed) will no longer receive any municipal fuel assistance (coal coupons) in the coming winter. Only by submission of a special application they can receive inancial assistance (Decree, Berlin State Welfare Oice).477 22 SEPTEMBER At the Reich Justice Ministry, a discussion is held between representatives of several ministries, the General Building Inspector for Berlin and the Führer’s Deputy Rudolf Hess “on doing away with tenant protection for Jews, their immiseration and possible ghettoization.” he representative of the Reich Interior Ministry states that Himmler is currently exploring the possibility of “creation of a ghetto.” he representative of the Deputy of the Führer proposes that if necessary, “barracks should be built by the Community in order to house the homeless Jews.” he representative of Speer’s oice, speaking in Speer’s name, demands that “the Jews be removed from large apartments,” in order to use these for tenants from areas of demolition in Berlin. In economic terms, he argues, that would mean a savings of some 40 million RM for Berlin, since the Community is basically obliged to construct the substitute apartments.478 26 SEPTEMBER he new ID cards can only be issued and given to Jewish Berliners by the police if they have already accepted the oicially prescribed obligatory irst names or can prove they have submitted an application for acceptance (By order of the chief of police).479 27 SEPTEMBER he “5th Implementation Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Law” imposes a ban on Jewish lawyers to practice. Only a small fraction of those originally licensed are allowed in future to represent an exclusively Jewish clientele, now under a new status as so-called “legal consultants” (“Rechtskonsulenten”). 28 SEPTEMBER Jews who must pay taxes are no longer granted deferment of payment and payment by installments for reasons of equity. Installment payments can only be approved for reasons of expediency, if coercive measures appear to have no chance of success in ensuring taxes are paid (Circular, Central Tax Authority).480 477 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil VII, p. 271, No. 290: Decree Behagel (State Welfare Oice); cf. ibid., 1940, Teil VII, p. 106, No. 81: Decree on Municipal Aid for Fuel, Winter 1940/1941. 478 BA Berlin, R 4606, No. 157, fols. 205–207: Memo, General Building Inspector, Berlin, Dr. Fränk, on a discussion in the Reich Justice Ministry, 22 September 1938. On this meeting, see also LA Berlin, A Rep. 009, No. 31419, fols. 39+RS. On the events, see Willems, Der entsiedelte Jude, pp. 72–80. 479 Beilage D zu den Amtlichen Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 28, 27 September 1938. 480 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil IX, p. 159, No. 117: Decree Mackensen. 116 1938 1 OCTOBER Annexation of parts of Czechoslovakia subsequent to the Munich Accord. 5 OCTOBER he “Ordinance on Passports of Jews” renders all passports held by Jewish Germans invalid. hey must be surrendered to the relevant passport authority within two weeks. Passports for travel abroad will only be valid again if they have a stamp “J,” which clearly identiies the holder as a Jew. 13 OCTOBER he Berlin State Welfare and Youth Oice informs the German Council of Municipalities that it intends “to completely ban in future the use of municipal sports grounds by Jewish associations.”481 27 OCTOBER Jewish young adults are excluded from the exemption for paying school fees granted to those apprentices in the winter half-year 1938 who on the basis of their apprenticeship (at the order of the Berlin guild of the Chamber of Crats) are required to attend a vocational school. his is also valid retrospectively for the summer half-year 1938, if payment has not yet been made (Decree, School and Finance Administration).482 27/28 OCTOBER On orders from the Reichsführer-SS and Chief of the German Police Himmler, Jews of Polish nationality throughout Germany are expelled. 17,000 persons, including many women and children, are brought by bus and train to the Polish border. here they are deported across the unmanned “green border” in their thousands. he pretext used is an operation by the Polish government to renew the passports of all Poles currently living abroad. In Berlin, the police arrests a large number of Jewish residents with Polish nationality. Most of those afected are men, but there are also pregnant women among them. At police headquarters they are informed about their imminent deportation. hey are permitted to take food for two days and a maximum of 10 RM. hey are checked at Schlesischer Bahnhof. Many have their money taken away without a receipt. In Reichsbahn trains, accompanied by police guards with bayoneted riles, they are brought to the Polish border.483 481 LA Berlin, B Rep. 142-07, 1-2-6/No. 1, Vol. 2, no fols.: Lord Mayor/State Welfare Oice Berlin (Behagel) to GCM, 13 October 1938. 482 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil VIII, p. 332, No. 341: Decree Behagel. 483 Sopade, No. 11, November 1938, pp. 1185–1186; Nieder, Anni, Die Polen-Aktion, in: Juden in Berlin 1671–1945, p. 295. 117 1938 OCTOBER Supposedly because of an attack on a German tourist group in Antwerpen, a four-week ban on activity is issued for all Jewish organizations in Berlin.484 OCTOBER/BEGINNING OF NOVEMBER All Berlin Jews are summoned to police precinct stations in alphabetical order. here they are required to surrender all weapons in their possession, even if they have a weapon permit.485 he large housing company, the Gemeinnützige Siedlungs- und Wohnungsbaugesellschat Berlin Ltd., had rent apartments before 1 October 1938 to 312 Jewish tenant parties. Ater being ordered to vacate on 1 September, 136 families moved out or were scheduled to vacate the premises. In the case of 51 percent, lenience is exercised because of heavy war damage, etc. he leases of the remaining 125 tenant parties have been terminated.486 7 NOVEMBER he Berlin State Court not only conirms the view of a Berlin local court from mid-September that Jews who do not voluntarily vacate their apartments constitute “a substantial nuisance” for a Berlin mutual housing association, but extends this legal view to all tenancies (Judgment, State Court).487 8 NOVEMBER he Gestapo Oice (Gestapa) in agreement with the Reich Propaganda Ministry bans all Jewish periodicals and newspapers. 9/10 NOVEMBER Anti-Jewish pogrom organized across the Reich: on instructions from Goebbels and Heydrich, thousands of apartments, stores, institutions and synagogues are destroyed and plundered by the SA, SS and other NSDAP formations. Far more than 100 persons are murdered, countless numbers are injured. In the days following, the Gestapo sends more than 30,000 men to concentration camps; there during subsequent days and weeks hundreds perish due to the cold, hunger and beatings. Everywhere in the Reich capital, SA and SS units demolish shops. Members of the National Socialist Motor Corps and the Hitler Youth participate in the violent excesses. 484 485 486 487 118 YV Jerusalem, 051/OSOBI, No. 47, fol. 256: Situation report SD II 1, 1–31 October 1938. Sopade, No. 11, November 1938, p. 1187. LA Berlin, A Rep. 009, No. 31419, fol. 44: memo, 12 November 1938. Excerpt from the opinion of the court, 7 November 1938, in: Pätzold, Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung, p. 162, No. 123. he consequence was that other Berlin companies, such as the German Settlement and Housing Society, ordered their Jewish tenants to vacate; see letter of 30 November 1938; facsimile in Fabarius, Juden in Marienfelde, p. 72. 1938 he destruction in the business neighborhoods on the Kurfürstendamm, Potsdamer Straße, Unter den Linden and Königstraße is especially severe. he Berlin population also takes part in plundering the shops, which in previous months had to be especially marked as “Jewish” by the owners themselves. Jewish institutions, such as the Polyclinic of the Jewish Community on Alexanderplatz and the Jewish Primary School on Choriner Straße are destroyed. SA men force their way into many homes and apartments, smash the furnishings and throw furniture out the windows. he majority of synagogues in Berlin are set ablaze by the SA, among others the synagogues on Prinzregentenstraße and Fasanenstraße, while the synagogue on Oranienburger Straße is protected by a local precinct police captain. At least seven persons are murdered in Berlin. During the pogrom and thereater, the Gestapo and police arrest more than 12,000 Berlin Jewish males. Some, especially the elderly, die of strokes even before their transport to the Sachsenhausen concentration camp. Due to maltreatment, hunger and heavy frost, a number of additional Berliners die there. Many of the concentration camp prisoners, released ater a few weeks through a written pledge to emigrate immediately, have to be attended to in the Jewish Hospital.488 11 NOVEMBER he Central School Administration Berlin orders Jewish children to leave the Berlin schools, even before a central government order to this efect.489 NOVEMBER/DECEMBER Ater the pogrom, several ministerial conferences in Berlin take place to discuss the new orientation in the policy of persecution. he National Socialist leadership decides on drastic anti-Jewish measures, including a total prohibition on business activity, the “forced Aryanization” of irms, shops and assets, as well as a special tax levy of one billion Reichsmark. In future, emigration is to be pushed ahead with more forcibly. he remaining Jews are isolated from the rest of the population in all spheres of life. Regulations are issued, including exclusion from public schools and educational institutions on 15 November, exclusion from public care for the needy on 19 November, and the formation of a segregated conscript labor deployment on 20 December 1938. Only one Jewish paper is permitted to appear: the heavily monitored and strictly censored Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt. 488 Scholem, November, pp. 4–5; Shiratzki, Selma, Ot logen Steine, in: Juden in Berlin 1671–1945, pp. 287–288; Sopade, No. 11, November 1938, pp. 1184, 1194–1195, 1207–1208; Sopade, No. 12, December 1938, pp. 1339–1341; Gilbert, Kristallnacht, p. 37; Die Grunewald-Rampe, p. 48; Hartung von Doetinchem, Zerstörte Fortschritte, pp. 160–161; Simon, Die Zeit des Nationalsozialismus, p. 194; Elkin, Krankenhaus, p. 129; Helas, Juden in Berlin-Mitte, pp. 46–50; Berliner Geschichtswerkstatt, Am Wedding haben sie gelebt, Berlin 1998, pp. 100–102. 489 Copy of letter from Director, Schilleroberlyzeum, to Drexler family, 11 November 1938, facsimile in Geschichtswerkstatt, Am Wedding haben sie gelebt, p. 101. See also Sopade, No. 11, November 1938, p. 1195. 119 1938 1 DECEMBER Efective from 1 December 1938, the Labor Oice sets up a “Central Oice for Jews” at Fontanepromenade 15. In future this oice regulates matters of insurance and supply for jobless Berlin Jews separately (Decree, Head of the Labor Oice).490 3 DECEMBER he head of Security Police and the SD issues an order that on the “Day of National Solidarity,” Jews must remain in their apartments from noon to 8 p.m. hey are not permitted to be outside in the street. he police chief issues a directive that areas under a “ban on Jews” can no longer be entered on foot or in a vehicle. Jews who live inside such areas require a special police pass. hat pass will only be issued to Jews until 1 July 1939. From 6 December, the “ban on Jews” is in efect for Wilhelmstraße (from Leipziger Straße to Unter den Linden, including Wilhelmsplatz), Voßstraße (from Hermann-Göring-Straße to Wilhelmstraße) and the Reich cenotaph with the street Unter den Linden (from the university to the Zeughaus). Based on this police order, Jews in future are prohibited from visiting any theatres, movie houses, cabarets, public concert and lecture halls, museums, fairgrounds, sports ields (including ice rinks), public and private bathing facilities and indoor swimming pools (including outdoor facilities), the exhibition halls at Messedamm (incl. exhibition grounds and radio tower), the Deutschlandhalle, the Sport Palace and the Reich Sports Field (First Order of the Reich Police Ordinance on Appearance of Jews in Public).491 he “Ordinance on the Utilization of Jewish Assets” provides for centrally state organized “Aryanization” of businesses, real estate, securities, jewels, jewelry and art objects owned by Jews. Trustees are appointed for “forced Aryanization” and the dissolution of Jewish businesses, and the owners are stripped of their right to dispose over their own assets. Within the span of one week, Jews must deposit all their securities in a currency exchange bank. It is henceforth forbidden to sell precious jewels and metals; they must be ofered to the Reich for purchase. In the “Ordinance on the Utilization of Jewish Assets,” in connection with sale of land by Jews, the Reich capital is given irst priority for purchase, except if the central 490 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil VII, p. 355, No. 381: Decree Breitenfeld (State Welfare Oice), 16 December 1938. 491 he order has validity from the day ater promulgation, i.e. 6 December 1938; Amtsblatt für den Landespolizeibezirk Berlin, Sonderausgabe 5 December 1938, Ausgabe A, Stück 98, p. 335; see Beilage A zu den Amtlichen Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 39, 13 December 1938. 120 1938 government, other states or the NSDAP wish to acquire the plot of land (§ 10 Ordinance on the Utilization of Jewish Assets).492 Lord Mayor Lippert orders the Berlin State Welfare Oice to develop “supervision extending beyond what is customary in connection with the situation of Jews still supported by public social welfare.” In future, Jews must as a matter of principle compensate their support by performing compulsory labor. hey also receive reduced allowances for food. Special consultation days and consultants will be arranged for their separation (Decree, Lord Mayor).493 4/5 DECEMBER he Palestine Oice has some 400 to 500 visitors daily, including many young adults, who wish to emigrate. For retraining in agriculture as a preparation for emigration (Hachsharah), on average a hundred persons apply daily, of whom 30-40 percent are suitable.494 8 DECEMBER Exclusion of Jews from engaging in itinerant trade (Decree, Head of Finance, Berlin).495 Efective from April 1938, Jewish patients have to be sent to Jewish hospitals. Since the hospital on Schulstraße (Iranische Straße), as the sole Jewish hospital facility in Berlin is full to capacity, Jewish patients also have to be admitted to municipal hospitals. heir necessary “segregated accommodation” there leads to certain diiculties, so that in future they should be admitted to hospital only in cases that cannot be turned away. In examining applications for the hospitalization of Jews in municipal facilities, it is necessary to apply the most strict yardstick (Decree, Berlin State Welfare Oice).496 12 DECEMBER From 1 January 1939, Jews are no longer allowed to partake of municipal bread lines and meals for children. From that same date, there will no longer be any payments for needy Jews in Jewish institutions (Decree, Berlin State Welfare Oice).497 492 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1939, Teil I, p. 42, No. 36: Decree on Redesigning the Reich Capital, 26 January 1939. 493 LA Berlin, B Rep. 214 Neukölln, Acc. 794, No. 13, no fols.: Decree Lord Mayor Lippert. 494 Mentioned in CZA Jerusalem, S 7, No. 90/2, no fols.: letter, Palestine Oice Berlin of the Jewish Agency for Palestine, Berlin W 15, Meinekestraße 10, Benno Cohen to Dr. Georg Landauer, Jerusalem, 6 December 1938. 495 Keil, Dokumentation, p. 405. 496 LA Berlin, B Rep. 214 Neukölln, Acc. 794, No. 13, no fols.: Decree Kaminski (p.p. Lord Mayor). 497 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1938, Teil VII, pp. 349–350, No. 373: Decree Behagel (State Welfare Oice). 121 1938 17 DECEMBER Efectively immediately, Jews are no longer allowed entry to the premises of the Labor Oice, except for the “Central Oice for Jews.” he “Central Oice for Jews” at Fontanepromenade 15 is now organizing conscript labor deployment of the jobless Jews, and from 1940 of all able-bodied Jews in Berlin.498 TO THE END OF DECEMBER he inal remaining 3,105 registered retail shops owned by Jews as of April 1938 (from originally more than 6,000) are closed down by year’s end. Of these, 2,570 are liquidated, and 535 sold to “Aryan” buyers.499 In 1938, 131 Berlin Jews who took their own lives are buried in the cemetery of the Jewish Community in Weißensee. In the preceding ive years (1933–1937), 267 suicides were registered.500 498 Sopade, No. 12, December 1938, p. 1330. 499 BA Berlin, R 3901 (former R 41), No. 156, fol. 130: Statistics Lord Mayor/Municipal Economy Oice, 24 March 1939. According to a report in the Berliner Börsenzeitung, 25 January 1939, of 3,750 registered stores and businesses in August, 3,050 had been liquidated and some 700 “Aryanized.” 500 Fischer, Erzwungener Freitod, pp. 15, 111–115. 122 1939 1939 2 JANUARY 1. In the framework of municipal social welfare, it is necessary in future to avoid accepting Jewish foster children in municipal care. Jewish women in childbed should only be provided assistance from midwives. No special beneits should be given to Jewish foster children and needy minors 2. Since the Jewish Community is by no means able to assume the costs for welfare services, the corresponding section in the order of 12 December 1938 will be temporarily revoked (Decree, Berlin State Welfare Oice).501 9 JANUARY A separate Jewish special school is opened ater Jewish children had to leave the municipal special schools subsequent to the November ordinances.502 10 JANUARY he obligatory irst names Sara and Israel which Jews are required to use from 1 January 1939 must be placed directly before the family name (By order of the chief of police).503 All beneits of the Jewish Community, including the Jewish Winter Relief, will in future be fully credited to the inancial contributions of municipal welfare (Decree, Berlin State Welfare Oice).504 14 JANUARY he municipal welfare oices must carefully check all payments to Jews. Jews should only receive maintenance for “necessary living requirements” without any special beneits.505 16 JANUARY For implementing the “forced Aryanization” and expropriation decided on ater the November pogrom (Ordinance on the Utilization of Jewish Assets) the municipal pawn oices will serve as purchasing centers for objects made of precious metals and jewelry and precious stones from Jewish private possession. A special purchasing unit in Berlin is responsible for objects to be handed over which have a value of more than 1,000 RM. 20 JANUARY Information is gathered on all Jews still living in municipal or private homes for the elderly, the chronically ill, refuge homes or special homes. his procedure serves 501 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1939, Teil VII, pp. 5–6, No. 6: Decree Behagel (State Welfare Oice). 502 Mentioned in JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 60, 26 July 1940, p. 6. 503 Amtliche Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 2, 17 January 1939, p. 5. 504 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1939, Teil VII, p. 18, No. 19: Decree Behagel (State Welfare Oice). 505 LA Berlin, B Rep. 203 Wedding, Acc. 867, No. 5100, fol. 19: memo on conversation, 14 January 1939. 124 1939 the purpose to arrange a transfer for them elsewhere (Decree, Berlin State Welfare Oice).506 30 JANUARY Jews are no longer eligible for discounted rates for tickets of the Berlin Transport Association, except if they have a serious war combat injury as disabled veterans. Jews who are disabled veterans should however no longer be given preferential treatment in oices, and they must hand in their corresponding identiication cards (Decree, Berlin State Welfare Oice).507 4 FEBRUARY Lord Mayor Lippert orders that only apprentices “of German blood” can receive onetime and continuous beneits for economic need (Change in the Guidelines for the Granting of Aid to Apprentices of 1926).508 8 FEBRUARY In Berlin and Munich, business premises and apartments rented out by a non-Jewish individual to Jews have to be reported to the authorities. In Berlin, such rentals must be reported to the head of the Implementation Oice for the Redesigning of the Reich Capital, who must grant approval for the irst new rental. Rooms in businesses where Aryanization permits have already been applied for do not have to be reported again (Ordinance on the Redesigning of the Reich Capital Berlin and the Capital of the Movement Munich).509 MID-FEBRUARY In connection with the obligatory sale of precious metals and jewelry required of the Jews, the Municipal Pawn Oice Berlin has observed “that the objects ofered, particularly those with jewels and pearls, fall far short of expectations. In the main, what is handed over in Berlin is silver, in the form of candelabras and cutlery.”510 17 FEBRUARY he Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt announces that a new obligatory organization is to be formed, the Reich Association of the Jews in Germany (Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland). Existing Jewish associations and foundations are to be incorporated into the Reich Association along with their assets. 506 Ibid., fol. 23: Decree Behagel (State Welfare Oice). 507 LA Berlin, B Rep. 214 Neukölln, Acc. 794, No. 13, no fols.: Decree Conti, 30 January 1939. 508 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1939, Teil I, p. 60, No. 52: Decree Lord Mayor Lippert. 509 RGBl., I 1939, p. 159. Printed in decree Lord Mayor, 10 February 1939, Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1939, Teil I, pp. 58–59, No. 50. 510 LA Berlin, B Rep. 142-07, 4-10-3/No. 26, no fols.: GCM/Dept. IV Berlin to Reich Economy Ministry, 14 February 1939. 125 1939 he formation of a “Central Oice for Jewish Emigration Berlin” is announced which will serve to centralize all necessary administrative steps necessary for emigration, such as matters of passport, tax clearance, Labor Oice matters, and belongings for shipment (Announcement in Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).511 1 MARCH he Reich Labor Ministry limits the normally unlimited duration of unemployment beneits in the case of Jews to 20 weeks: de facto for them this means that unemployment beneits lost their status as insurance. 14 MARCH On 1 April, the Department for Jewish Afairs at the police headquarters in Berlin is liquidated because now the uniform processing of all “matters pertaining to Jews” is ensured. “Questions regarding Jews” of any importance must, now as before, be presented personally to the chief of police. He reserves the right to decide on fundamental “questions re Jews” (By order of the chief of police).512 15 MARCH he German Reich occupies Bohemia and Moravia. 18 MARCH Lord Mayor Lippert orders that Jewish orphans must pay the surcharge for external pupils if their guardian is not resident in Berlin (Regulations on Implementation of the Fee Schedule for the Municipal High Schools and Middle Schools in Berlin, 27 January 1939).513 23 MARCH Efective 1 April, Jewish adults are oicially banned from using the municipal libraries and reading rooms. Jewish children and youth are banned from using the municipal youth libraries and children’s reading rooms (Regulations for Use of the Municipal Libraries and Reading Rooms and for the Municipal Youth Libraries and Children’s Reading Rooms in the Reich Capital Berlin).514 24 MARCH In connection with future sale contracts between Jews and the municipality, it must be stipulated that the administrative costs for such transactions have to be borne by the Jewish sellers, because the “will of the Party could never be construed to have 511 512 513 514 126 JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 14, 17 February 1939, p. 1. Amtliche Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 12, 23 March 1939, p. 35. Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1939, Teil VIII, p. 119, No. 109: Decree Lord Mayor Lippert. Attachments to decree, 15 May 1939, ibid., Teil I, pp. 280–282, No. 169: Decree Meinshausen (p.p. Lord Mayor). See also: Decree, 23 September 1942, with new regulations for use and fees, libraries and reading rooms, youth libraries and municipal libraries of the Reich capital, ibid., 1942, Teil VIII, pp. 131–136, No. 221. 1939 intended […] that fees for permits for Jews should be covered by the municipality” (Circular, Real Estate Oice).515 31 MARCH In disregard of the development of a separate Jewish school system as ordered from the end of 1938, the Zionist-oriented heodor Herzl School, founded 1919, is to be closed, supposedly because of a “restructuring of the economic situation.” he school will then be relocated to Palestine. he request to transport their inventory to Palestine is not approved by the competent authorities.516 11 APRIL In cases of guardianship, in future it is always necessary to examine whether the suspicion that “not providing information about the father” by the child’s mother is due to the “non-Aryan descent” of the ofspring (Decree, Berlin State Youth Oice).517 30 APRIL he “Law on Rentals to Jews” abolishes tenant protection for those Jews who have “Aryan” landlords. In addition, Jewish landlords are in future only allowed to rent out rooms with the express permission of the municipality. In future, subletting agreements by Jews can only be made with other Jews. At the request of the municipal authorities, Jews can be forced to take in other Jews as subtenants (even in rooms they themselves have rented). APRIL he Central Purchasing Unit of the Berlin Municipal Pawn Oice is complaining about storerooms illed beyond capacity due to the forced sale of Jewish precious metals. At the parcel post oices, there are 25,000 packages with valuable objects from the forced sale in other cities, and they can be removed only piece by piece. he movers Schenker & Co have announced ive furniture trucks full of large crates. Other transport and storage irms that have “removal goods” of Jews who have emigrated will likewise soon deliver large quantities of items to the Central Purchasing Unit.518 12 MAY Efective 1 May 1939, the Jewish Community Berlin must assume full responsibility for the expenses and organization of institutional care for all “needy Jews (Jews by race),” 515 For example, fees of the oices for permits in connection with “real estate de-Judiication procedures” („Grundstücks-Entjudungsverfahren“) in keeping with the ordinance of 3 December 1938 on utilization of Jewish assets; ibid., 1939, Teil I, p. 186, No. 119: Decree Müller-Wiegand (Real Estate Oice). 516 JNBl. (Berlin edition), Nos. 27/28, 4 April 1939, p. 11. Regarding the rejection of the application, see the memo by Dr. Klamroth of 22 May, and Reich Economy Ministry to Reich Education Ministry, 15 July 1939; BA Berlin, R 4901, No. 5369, fols. 13, 20. 517 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1939, Teil VII, p. 134, No. 123: Decree Breitenfeld (State Youth Oice). 518 LA Berlin, B Rep. 142-07, 4-10-3/No. 26, no fols.: GCM/Dept. IV to Reich Economy Ministry (Dr. Gotthardt), April 1939. 127 1939 who have German or foreign citizenship, or are stateless. In addition, they must take over welfare food provision and clothing assistance for those receiving non-institutional out-client care services. he Berlin State Welfare Oice will initially continue to make cash payments for out-client care services, though only with a rate reduced to 30 RM, 30 percent of which is for payment of rent, normally granted as an additional beneit (Decree, Lord Mayor).519 16 MAY he Main Welfare Oice is expecting an “upsurge in applicants” from among needy Jews as a result of the decree in March from the Reich Labor Ministry on limiting unemployment beneits to 20 weeks. If because of this restriction Jews no longer on unemployment insurance beneits apply for welfare beneits, they should be assigned “immediately” to three conscript labor programs reserved exclusively for Jews (Krumme Lanke, Wandalenallee and Gasanstaltsgelände Schmargendorf) (Decree, Main Welfare Oice).520 17 MAY Across the Reich, a census is taken with a separate section on “racial statistics.” In Berlin, a total of 78,713 Jews according to religion are registered, and according to “race”, 82,457. Only half of the far more than 160,000 Jews counted in June 1933 in Berlin still live in the Reich capital. he heavy exodus due to persecution for many years has been partly countered by an in-migration from small towns and the countryside. his inlux cannot be precisely quantiied.521 19 MAY Jews who are deployed by the welfare oices as forced laborers do not, like so-called asocials as well, receive any of the recently increased allowances for food. he maximum for Jews is the normal allowance of 0.55 RM daily (for 6-8 hours of work 3x a week) or 0.35 RM (for 4 hours of work 5x a week). hese persons also only receive these rates if they reach the performance level of permanent staf. As a rule, they are given reduced food allowances of 0.40 RM daily (for 6-8 hours of work) or 0.25 RM (for 4 hours). In the event of low productivity, the allowances are cancelled completely (Decree, Berlin State Welfare Oice).522 519 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1939, Teil VII, p. 146, No. 143: Decree Steeg (Lord Mayor/State Welfare Oice), 12 May 1939; see also LA Berlin, B Rep. 214 Neukölln, Acc. 794, No. 13, no fols.: Decree Steeg (Lord Mayor/State Welfare Oice), 3 June 1939. 520 LA Berlin, A Rep. 003-02, No. 63/1, fols. 166+RS. 521 Kriegstaschenbuch. Berlin in Zahlen. Ausgabe 1942, ed. Statistisches Amt der Reichshauptstadt Berlin, Berlin 1942, pp. 36–38. 522 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1939, Teil I, pp. 288–289, No. 175: Decree Behagel (State Welfare Oice). 128 1939 On the basis of the discretionary provision in the anti-Jewish Law on Rentals to Jews, the Lord Mayor for Berlin issues a decree for a general obligation to register apartments or business premises rented to or sublet to Jews. In the case of buildings of Jewish owners or users, it is necessary to give a detailed written account of the number and nature of rooms rented to Jews or standing unoccupied. In the case of buildings with non-Jewish owners, only the rooms rented to Jews need be detailed (Order of the Lord Mayor on Registration of Rooms in Accordance with the Law on Rentals to Jews, 30 April 1939).523 31 MAY In connection with the publication of the Berlin Regulation on the Anti-Jewish Law on Rentals to Jews, the Jewish residents of Berlin are warned against moving in future to “the neighborhoods Potsdamer Straße, Lützowplatz, Tiergartenviertel, Hansaviertel, Kleiststraße, Tauentzienstraße, Kurfürstendamm and Bayerisches Viertel” (Announcement in Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).524 Jewish females or women married to Jews are not hired as midwives in the municipal facilities (Regulations on Implementation of the Oicial Regulations for the Midwives Employed in Berlin Municipal Facilities).525 4 JULY With the “10th Implementation Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Law,” all Jews become obligatory members of the now de jure-founded Reich Association of the Jews in Germany. he Reich Association, under the surveillance of the Gestapo, becomes the responsible body for a separate Jewish welfare and school system. Its main task is to foster forced emigration. Subordinated to the Reich Association are district oices and the previous Jewish Communities. But the Berlin Jewish Community shall remain legally independent until the beginning of 1943. 3 AUGUST he German population is registered in the so-called People’s Card Catalogue for Defense and Labor Deployment. Jews must personally pick up and return their catalogue cards at the competent police precinct station from 28 August to 2 September 1939. heir catalogue cards are to be marked by a red “J” and will be sorted and bound together by year of birth. For the rest of the population, the cards will be handed out and then collected from 13 to 19 August 1939 by appointed oicers of the National 523 Amtsblatt der Reichshauptstadt Berlin 80 (1939), Sonderausgabe, 25 May 1939, p. 427; see Blau, Ausnahmerecht, p. 74. 524 JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 40, 31 May 1939, p. 4. See also Sopade, No. 7, July 1939, p. 915. 525 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1939, Teil I, pp. 298–300, No. 185: oicial regulationed and implementation orders, 31 May 1939, Plath (p.p. Lord Mayor). 129 1939 Socialist welfare or the NSDAP (Announcement, chief of police, on the registration for the People’s Card Catalogue/Volkskartei).526 1 SEPTEMBER he German Reich attacks Poland and World War II begins. 3 TO 6 SEPTEMBER On order from the Gestapo, the Reich Association has to gather statistics on all Jews between the ages of 16 and 55, with the aid of the district oices and all Jewish Communities; all events of the Jewish Cultural Association are cancelled until further notice. A night-time curfew from 8 p.m. applies to all Jews in Germany. 5 SEPTEMBER In the framework of a “Statistical Survey of the Jewish Population,” ordered nationwide in particular as a preparatory measure for a comprehensive program of conscript labor deployment in wartime, the Jewish households in Berlin receive questionnaires for individuals aged 16 to 55 from the Jewish Community (Announcement, Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).527 13 SEPTEMBER he Jews with present or former Polish citizenship still resident in Germany are arrested. he Berlin Jews in this category are taken to the Sachsenhausen concentration camp, those from the province and countryside to the Buchenwald camp, in total some 1,800 men and youths aged 15 to 65. In the following days and weeks, many of them perish due to the conditions of coninement.528 MID-SEPTEMBER More than 1,000 Berlin Jews are called for conscript labor and sent for three months into the Berlin countryside working in the potato and beet harvest.529 19 SEPTEMBER he Ministerial Council for Defense of the Reich holds consultative discussions on the “population of the future Polish protectorate and the accommodation there of Jews living in Germany.” 20 SEPTEMBER A police order is issued that Jews must hand over all radio sets in their possession on 23 September. Ater the ban on Jewish newspapers and periodicals, the free access to information for the Jewish population is made even more diicult. 526 527 528 529 130 Amtliche Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 27, 11 August 1939, pp. 79–80. JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 72, 8 September 1939, p. 1. CZA Jerusalem, S 26, No. 1417, no fols.: „Die zwangsweise Abschiebung der polnischen Juden“, p. 2. Arbeitsbericht der Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland für das Jahr 1939 (Berlin 1940), p. 26. 1939 26 SEPTEMBER he Gestapo orders the Reich Association and the Jewish Communities – quite apart from the upcoming obligatory registering of able-bodied Jews – to carry out “an expanded statistical survey of the entire Jewish population,” and their assets, and to do this “as quickly as feasible.” Gestapo chief Heinrich Müller informs the Gestapo in the Altreich that all Jewish organizations have been dissolved or incorporated into the Reich Association. SEPTEMBER During the annual Sukkot Festival, it is now forbidden to construct tabernacles in the courtyards of the synagogues. In future it is also prohibited for individuals to construct tabernacles on this holiday (Announcement, Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).530 Since the beginning of the war, hundreds of Jewish Germans have been resettled for “reasons of security” from western border areas of the Reich into the interior. 6 OCTOBER Speaking before the Reichstag, Hitler publicly announces the ethnic new order for Europe and the “resolution of the Jewish problem.” During these days, Hitler issues a directive for the resettlement of “300,000 impecunious Jews from the Old Reich and the Ostmark.”531 In the newly-established Reich Security Main Oice (Reichssicherheitshauptamt, RSHA), SS-Hauptsturmführer Adolf Eichmann is ordered to begin with the “deportation” of Jews from the area of Kattowitz and “the area of Moravian Ostrau” to eastern Poland, in order to gather experience for the “evacuation of larger masses.” hat same day, Eichmann already sorts the lists of all Jews listed according to Altreich, Ostmark and Protectorate, as well as to the individual Jewish Communities. MID/END OCTOBER Several thousand Jews are deported from the Protectorate (Moravian Ostrava, Brno, Prague), Vienna and from cities in Upper Silesia to Nisko on the San River in the east of occupied Poland. MID-NOVEMBER he irst deportations from the Old Reich are scheduled for this time period, but are postponed by Himmler until early 1940, along with the other transports planned for Nisko from Austria and the Protectorate, due to technical reasons. 530 Cf. announcement of the next year, JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 76, 20 September 1940, p. 3. 531 National Socialists called annexed Austria the “Ostmark” of the Reich. 131 1939 4 DECEMBER he Reich ration cards (18 December 1939 to 14 January 1940) are given to Jews separated from the rest of the population. In Berlin, Jews do not receive these cards a week in advance (due to upcoming Christmas holidays) from the National Socialist social welfare block captains on 8/9 December. Instead, they have to pick up these cards themselves four days later from the card distribution points (Decree, Lord Mayor).532 532 Amtsblatt der Reichshauptstadt Berlin 80 (1939), No. 50, 10 December 1939, p. 847. 132 1940 1940 23 JANUARY he Reich Economy Ministry rules that Jews are not to receive ration coupons for clothing and textiles, shoes and material for soles. he Reich Association is to be the sole guarantor of their acquisition of such supplies. 12 FEBRUARY he RSHA issues instructions on “Restrictions on the Freedom of Movement for Jews in the Territory of the Reich and Concentration in Larger Localities.” Frankfurt/Oder and Berlin are, “to a limited degree,” planned as concentration points for the Prussian province of Brandenburg. 12/13 FEBRUARY In the Prussian province of Pomerania, inter alia in the towns of Stettin, Stralsund, Anklam, Greifswald and Heringsdorf, a third of the Jewish population is arrested, i.e. in excess of 1,000 persons, and deported the following day to occupied Poland. Without any possibility for a livelihood, a quarter of those deported to the vicinity of Lublin die within a month due to the cold and hunger. 16 FEBRUARY For a “preliminary determination of interest for real estate taxes” for the iscal year 1940, it is necessary in the tax lists to specially mark the real estate in Jewish possession with a “J,” using another color of ink (Decree, Main Tax Oice).533 26 FEBRUARY In agreement with the Reich Trustee for Labor, the municipal administration cuts the wages of the conscript Jewish laborers deployed for a short period during the winter months to clear snow by eliminating the children’s allowance as is stipulated in wage agreements (Decree, Lord Mayor).534 END OF FEBRUARY All Jews in the district of Schneidemühl (Prussian province of Pomerania), a total of 544 persons, are concentrated in the town of Schneidemühl. he Gestapo deports 165 Jews on a freight train to Poland. 7 MARCH At the request of the Berlin Main Tax Oice on 23 November 1939, the Reich interior minister decides, in consultation and agreement with the Berlin chief of police and the director of the Reich Oice for Family History, that the Berlin household lists on marital status of individuals for 1933 and 1935 can be destroyed. he lists from 1932 and 533 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1940, Teil IX, p. 22, No. 33: Decree Mackensen. 534 he hourly wage rate was only 0.77 RM instead of 0.81 RM; LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 1281, fol. 30. 134 1940 1934 must be preserved since they are “of very key importance for the racial classiication of numerous individuals” (Decree, Reich Interior Ministry).535 15 MARCH Retroactive to 1 March 1940, the Jewish Community now has to report the number of emigrants every week to the Gestapo. For that reason, names, date of emigration and intended destination must be reported to the executive committee of the Jewish Community (By order of the Gestapo).536 19 MARCH In the context of a nation-wide directive, Jews with telephones in Berlin must apply within three days for a change in their names by addition of the obligatory irst names Sara and Israel for the new edition of the telephone directory. his despite the fact that the deadline for reports of changes has already expired (Announcement, Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).537 22 MARCH he Jewish cemetery in Spandau is closed and vacated on orders from the authorities. he removal and reburial at the former cemetery of the earlier Community Adass Jisroel, Weißensee (Wittlicher Straße/Falkenberger Straße) will take place in April, where in a separate section the original gravestones are to be re-erected and the grave mounds reconstructed and planted with ivy (Announcement, Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).538 6 APRIL Despite a decree in March by the agriculture minister allowing the distribution of food allowances to manual laborers, including Jewish heavy laborers, Berlin decides to restrict the distribution of such allowances only to “those Jewish workers still representing an exception, who work in armaments and Wehrmacht factories, etc.,” and whose activity, enhanced by granting of allowances, is thus deemed “in the public interest” (Decree, Main Oice for Food Supply).539 24 APRIL he RSHA orders that Jews from Germany who are “able-bodied for labor deployment and military service” should if possible not be permitted to emigrate to other countries in Europe, and in no case should they be allowed to emigrate to the enemy nations in Europe. 535 536 537 538 539 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1940, Teil IX, p. 39, No. 53: Decree, 13 March 1940. JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 22, 15 March 1940, p. 2. Ibid., No. 23, 19 March 1940, p. 1. Ibid., No. 24, 22 March 1940, p. 3. Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1940, Teil XII, B 4 d, p. 9. 135 1940 APRIL Ever more signs are aixed on shops, especially food stores, which bar Jews from entry before 12 noon.540 END OF APRIL/MAY All Jewish men between the ages of 18 and 55 and all Jewish women aged 18 to 50 are ordered to present themselves for conscript labor deployment organized by the labor administration. hey are to register at the assigned oice of the Jewish Community for labor deployment.541 16 MAY Jews can no longer receive municipal moving allowances (80 percent of the transport costs or a maximum of 500 RM). hese were generally available until now as a stimulus for residents in Berlin to give up their apartment and move elsewhere (Decree, Lord Mayor).542 20 MAY he Charlottenburg district restricts shopping hours for Jews. In all retail stores which are licensed to sell farm-produced foods (except for bakeries), in future a visible sign must be aixed stating: “Entry for Jews is permitted only from 12 noon” (Instruction, district mayor).543 BEFORE 30 MAY In connection with the mass deployment in transport and industry, the Labor Oice has issued a directive ordering that all those [Jews] in forced labor be marked by “yellow Stars of David” on their chest and back. he Gestapo rescinds this order ater intervention on the part of the Reich Association (Directive of the Labor Oice/Central Oice for Jews).544 31 MAY he forced clearing of the Jewish cemetery in Berlin-Spandau has been completed. Jews are no longer permitted entry to the grounds (Announcement, Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).545 540 Sopade, No. 4, April 1940, p. 258. 541 According to a new order on 21 May 1940 in JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 41, 21 May 1940, p. 2. 542 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1940, Teil V, p. 121, No. 91: Decree Lippert (Lord Mayor/Planning Oice). 543 Amtsblatt der Reichshauptstadt Berlin 81 (1940), No. 21, 26 May 1940, p. 296. 544 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 45, fol. 198: memo on summons to Gestapo HQ, 30 May 1940. 545 JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 44, 31 May 1940, p. 3. 136 1940 1 JUNE Since even in forced auctions of Jewish real estate, the oicial permit is only issued ater payment of a compensation sum (“Aryanization tax”), which is also levied by municipalities or public sector corporations, the Municipal Tax Oice will in future forego the submission of tender bids. his is because of the expected high costs of acquisition involved, and even at the risk of loss of the prerogative of acquisition (Decree, Main Tax Oice).546 25 JUNE Ater the lightning victory over France, the Gestapo informs summoned representatives of the Reich Association that at the end of the war, “they aim for a fundamental solution […] by ofering a colonial reservation area for the Jews from Europe.” Goebbels demands that within a short number of days, signs must be aixed in all Berlin shops stating that Jews are barred entry for shopping until 3:30 p.m. (Internal announcement).547 JUNE Some 200 Jewish patients, men, women and children, are removed by bus from the Sanatorium Berlin-Buch and brought to the Brandenburg State Mental Institution (Landesplegeanstalt Brandenburg). heir gassing in the former prison is the prelude to the Reich-wide murder of ”mentally ill” Jewish institutionalized patients.548 4 JULY he Berlin police chief restricts the shopping hours for Jews in all open shops, public and private weekly markets (including market halls) and in street commerce to the one hour between 4 and 5 p.m. At all shops, retail stands and selling facilities of street traders, ater being ordered to do so, the proprietors must put up a sign indicating the separate “shopping hours for Jews” (Police ordinance).549 15 JULY he Lord Mayor classiies Jews in Segregated Labor Deployment, i.e. forced labor, as “only temporarily employed or solely working as laborers” for the duration of their employment status with the municipality. Given this regulation, the periods of service do not have to be calculated in payment of wages. In addition, a number of other 546 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1940, Teil IX, p. 125, No. 98: Decree Mackensen. 547 BA Berlin, R 55, No. 21220, no fols.: conference, 25 June 1940, p. 3; see Boelcke, Kriegspropaganda, p. 406. 548 Hübener, Kristina, Brandenburgische Heil- und Plegeanstalten in der NS-Zeit. Sterilisation und „Vernichtung lebensunwerten Lebens“, in: Verfolgung, Alltag, Widerstand. Brandenburg in der NS-Zeit. Studien und Dokumente, ed. Dietrich Eichholtz, Berlin 1993, p. 243; see also Klee, Ernst, „Euthanasie“ im NS-Staat. Die „Vernichtung lebensunwerten Lebens“, Frankfurt/M. 1986, p. 259. 549 Beilage D zu den Amtlichen Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 19, 12 July 1940. 137 1940 beneits, such as children, childbirth and marriage allowances, additional pension payments, payment for work on holidays, etc. are eliminated (Service Regulation for the Employment Status of Jews Employed in the Administrative Oices and Enterprises of the Municipality in the Reich Capital Berlin).550 19 JULY Goebbels announces at one of his secret ministerial conferences in the Reich Propaganda Ministry the intention “immediately ater the war’s end to deport all of the 62,000 Jews still living in Berlin to Poland within the span of eight weeks at the most.” He notes that a clearance plan has already been worked out with the police. State secretary Gutterer should “take steps most particularly to ensure that Berlin is cleansed irst of all. […] Only ater Berlin shall it be the turn of the other Jews’ cities (Breslau, etc.).”551 23 JULY he following directive is issued in regard to the police ordinance on shopping hours for Jews: 1. he proprietors of businesses are ordered by the Party oices to aix the necessary signs. If they do not obey, the police gives them one day to comply. hen they must pay a penalty. 2. Jews in forced labor receive a certiicate for shopping outside the prescribed hours of work. 3. In the event of non-compliance with § 4 of the ordinance, Jews and traders can be punished. Jews receive a ine of 50 RM or one week behind bars. Oicials in the Special Trade Inspection Unit [Gewerbeaußendienst] of the Berlin police should make sure the ordinance is observed (Supplement to Police Ordinance, 4 July 1940).552 31 JULY Efective 31 August, the Berlin Telephone Audit Oice cancels all private phone lines for Jews, instead of at the end of September, as originally ordered by the postal minister. he only exceptions are Jewish institutions, “practitioners for the sick” and “legal consultants” and Jews in a “privileged mixed marriage” or foreign Jews.553 3 AUGUST Jewish forced laborers without members of their household who can do the shopping may obtain a certiicate from their employer that speciies a “certain other hour for shopping” outside the 4-5 p.m. period. In Jewish hospitals and the like, the appointed 550 According to decrees of 29 July and 22 November 1941, Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1941, Teil I, p. 219, No. 215 and p. 327, No. 314. 551 Notes of the conference, 19 July 1940; see Boelcke, Kriegspropaganda, p. 431. 552 LA Berlin, B Rep. 020, Acc. 1530, No. 7249, no fols. 553 Letter, Telephone Audit Oice to Bruno Drexler, 31 July 1940; facsimile in Geschichtswerkstatt, Am Wedding haben sie gelebt, p. 106. Ater announcement at a secret ministerial conference on 20 August 1940, against the opposition of the Reich Interior Ministry; see Boelcke, Kriegspropaganda, p. 469. 138 1940 “works manager” determines the optional hour for obtaining necessary items for the needs of the institution. Jews who receive whole milk are permitted to purchase this likewise outside the prescribed “shopping time for Jews.” he order in the police ordinance of 4 July stipulating the aixing of signs with prescribed shopping times can be suspended for certain sections of the city or certain streets by the police chief (Supplement, police ordinance, 4 July 1940).554 6 AUGUST No more religious services are to be permitted in the Neue Synagoge on Oranienburger Straße “due to use by other parties.” he building will be used as a storage facility by the Army Clothing Department (Announcement, Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).555 he Reich Economy Ministry commissions the Central Purchasing Unit of the Berlin Municipal Pawn Oice to “auction of ” some “30,000 items of jewelry not suitable for export which were obtained in the deliveries from Jews at various localities in the Reich.”556 8 AUGUST he police chief issues a directive that the police ordinance on shopping times is valid for all open stores, and for all commodities, not just foods. However, proprietors are free to totally prohibit any Jews from entry to their premises (Supplement, police ordinance, 4 July 1940).557 14 AUGUST Along with general regulations on compulsory ID cards, an order is issued that the police (likewise Berlin top authorities and Party oices) must use strict criteria for implementing and surveillance of the ID card requirement for Jews. Jews have on principle to be personally summoned to appear rather than to be interrogated by written correspondence. At every opportunity, their ID card is to be demanded for purposes of identiication. If they do not produce an ID card, they will be charged with a violation (Decree, chief of police, re ID).558 554 Beilage C zu den Amtlichen Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 22, 9 August 1940. 555 JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 63, 6 August 1940, p. 2. 556 Decree, 6 August 1940, mentioned in LA Berlin, B Rep. 142-07, 4-10-3/No. 19, no fols.: Reich Economy Ministry (Berg) to Reich Oice for Precious Metals, 13 February 1941. 557 LA Berlin, B Rep. 020, Acc. 1530, No. 7249, no fols. 558 Beilage A zu den Amtlichen Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 24, 7 September 1940, pp. 22, 24–25. See copy of the order, Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1940, Teil I, p. 281, No. 145: Decree, 30 August 1940. 139 1940 15 AUGUST he participation of the oice of General Building Inspector Speer in the areas of “de-Judiication of real estate” and “registering of Jewish apartments” shall in future be restricted to the issuing of guidelines, with the aim of more efective operations vis-à-vis the municipal administration (By Decree of the General Building Inspector for the Reich Capital on the Cooperation with the Lord Mayor of the Reich Capital).559 10 SEPTEMBER In Berlin, Munich and Vienna, Jewish tenants are now stripped of tenant protection rights even in buildings with Jewish owners. At the same time, it is made diicult for Jewish landlords to evict Jewish tenants. By this measure, concentration of Jews in “Judenhäuser” (“Jews’ houses,” segregated Jewish apartment blocks) is intensiied and accelerated (Ordinance on Changing and Supplementing the Law on Rentals to Jews).560 21 SEPTEMBER In buildings where “Aryans” and Jews still live together, separate air raid shelters have to be constructed for Jews (By order of the chief of police).561 24 SEPTEMBER he anti-Semitic ilm “Jud Süß” premieres in Germany in the Berlin UFA-Palast, with Goebbels and other representatives of the Nazi leadership in the audience. 26 SEPTEMBER From 1941 on, Berlin Jews are given lower levels of exemption limit than for other residents in calculating municipal taxes according to the welfare target rates. For example, in the case of married couples without children, instead of 81.90 RM monthly only 72.20 RM as exemption limit; with ive children instead of 186.40 RM only 160.45 RM. For unmarried without children, instead of 47.30 RM, only 41.70 RM. For Jews who relocated to Berlin ater 26 February 1934, the exemption limit is even lower: for example, married couples without children, instead of 81.90 reduced to 48.15 RM. Such a reduction does not apply to “Aryans” who have relocated to the city (Circular, Main Tax Oice).562 559 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1940, Teil II–VIII: Allg. Teil, p. 154, No. 127: Decree, General Building Inspector, in Decree Steeg (p.p. Lord Mayor), 15 August 1940. 560 RGBl., 1940 I, p. 1235. 561 Blau, Ausnahmerecht, p. 84, No. 291. 562 Jews in any case received only the lower rates for general social welfare; Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1940, Teil IX, pp. 209, 234, No. 171: Decree Jochem on the Citizen Tax Law of 1937. 140 1940 2 OCTOBER he appropriate posters for implementing the police ordinance on “shopping hours for Jews” are to be reprinted. hey originally were only to target speciic streets or parts of the city. However, many more copies to supply to stores are needed. Now it has been decided that such posters with restricted hours for shopping should also be displayed in markets, though at the entrance, and not at each seller’s stand (By order of the chief of police).563 22/23 OCTOBER Under the direction of the Gestapo oices in Karlsruhe, Neustadt and Saarbrücken, 6,500 German Jews from Baden, the Palatinate and the Saar are deported into unoccupied France. he victims can take along only 50 kg luggage and up to 100 Reichsmark. heir property is coniscated. 25 OCTOBER he Prenzlauer Berg district summons Jews to report street by street for receipt of coal ration cards, separate from the rest of the population (Announcement, Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).564 OCTOBER A large wave of recruitment of Jews for forced labor sweeps across the entire Reich. It is especially strong in Berlin. he labor oices now deploy Jewish men and women in greater numbers in industry, yet always in spheres, departments or shits separate from the “Aryan” personnel. Due to a shortage of qualiied workers in the armaments industry, many of them are now even receive training on the job. 1 NOVEMBER Ater a regulation agreed on with the Berlin-Mitte District Oice, the Jewish Community must set up separate emergency shelters in premises owned by the Community for Jews who lost their homes as a result of allied bomb raids (Announcement, Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).565 28 NOVEMBER he anti-Semitic “documentary” “Der Ewige Jude” (“he Eternal Jew”) has its premiere in Berlin in the UFA-Palast. 563 LA Berlin, B Rep. 020, Acc. 1530, No. 7249, no fols. 564 JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 86, 25 October 1940, p. 3. 565 Ibid., No. 88, 1 November 1940, p. 3. 141 1940 29 NOVEMBER Efective 1 January 1941, instead of just providing the usual supplementary care, the Jewish Community must assume the full welfare support and care for all needy Jews, also those who have until now have been provided for in the Open Welfare program of the municipal welfare oices (Decree, Lord Mayor).566 NOVEMBER he Central Oice for Jews of the Labor Oice already conscripts Berlin Jews into forced labor deployment who are in retraining programs, as well as children under the age of 16; these youngsters are deployed while disregarding the protective labor regulations for youth. he large surge in packages during the Christmas holidays will be handled by an extensive special operation temporarily involving 3,000 Jewish forced laborers; in this connection, the Labor Oice demands that the Jewish Community gives Jews in training courses a leave of absence. However, at the end of November, the Gestapo decides against the use of Jews at the post oice, thus terminating this planned operation.567 BEGINNING OF DECEMBER Hitler issues written orders to deport all 60,000 Jews in Vienna “while there is still a war.” he transports to Poland are to commence at the beginning of the New Year. 24 DECEMBER From 1941 on, Jews are required to pay a 15 percent compulsory tax, the so-called “social compensation tax” (Sozialausgleichsabgabe) in addition to income tax and tax on wages from forced labor. 566 LA Berlin, B Rep. 214 Neukölln, Acc. 794, No. 13, no fols.: Decree Behagel (Lord Mayor/Main Welfare Oice), 29 November 1940; see JNBl. (Berlin edition), Nos. 103/104, 24 December 1940, pp. 2–3. 567 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 2, fol. 78: Meeting, Exec. Comm., Reich Association, 11 November 1940; ibid., fols. 76+RS: Meeting, Exec. Comm., Reich Association, 25 November 1940; ibid., No. 45, fol. 114: note on summons to Gestapo, 26 November 1940. 142 1941 1941 24 JANUARY 1941 Jews are removed from the customer lists for shoe repairs of various shoemakers. Only the irm “Alsi-Schuhreparaturen” will serve Jewish customers in its various branches (Decree, Lord Mayor /Central Economic Oice).568 JANUARY 189 of those Berlin Jews who ater the 1940 prohibition were permitted to retain their private phones receive a criminal complaint against them from the Telephone Directory Oice. It is charged they had submitted no application to add their compulsory irst names to their telephone directory entries.569 10 FEBRUARY Functionaries of the NSDAP force Jews, including “elderly gray-haired women,” to clear snow from Berlin’s streets without payment.570 FEBRUARY he oice of the General Building Inspector Speer begins with resettlement of tenants from the designated urban renewal areas in Berlin to previously vacated “Judenwohnungen” (“Jews’ apartments”). Hitler had demanded the rapid vacating of 1,000 “Judenwohnungen” for victims bombed out in “future air raids.”571 FEBRUARY/MARCH Instead of the planned 60,000 persons, the Gestapo is able to deport “only” 5,000 Jews from Vienna to Poland, until the transports are interrupted in mid-March due to preparations for the attack against the Soviet Union. he Gestapo instructs the Reich Association and the Jewish Community Berlin to strictly limit all expenses, especially for personnel. One thousand of the more than 2,700 Community employees must be laid of and reported to the Labor Oice for conscript labor. Choral singers at the synagogue are no longer permitted to receive compensation for their services. he highest salary limit for clerks at Jewish institutions is to be reduced (By order of the Gestapo).572 568 JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 7, 24 January 1941, p. 3. 569 Jäckel, Hartmut, Menschen in Berlin. Das letzte Telefonbuch der alten Reichshauptstadt, Stuttgart/Munich 2000, p. 32. 570 Wiener Library, London, Microilms, Reel 156, I e: excerpt from Die Tat, Zürich, No. 35, 11 February 1941. 571 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 107, Acc. 2133, No. 186 1–3, Nd. 2, fols. 5–6: Letter Hettlage (General Building Inspector, Berlin), 11 February 1941. On this in detail, see Willems, Der entsiedelte Jude, pp. 199–257. 572 Gruner, Reichshauptstadt, p. 246. See inter alia JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 25, 28 March 1941, p. 3. 144 1941 17 MARCH he RSHA informs the executive committee of the Reich Association that for the upcoming “total emigration of the Jewish population it for resettlement, substantial inancial means are required.” 20 MARCH A discussion is held in the Reich Propaganda Ministry on “evacuation of the Jews from Berlin.” Eichmann states that the comprehensive plan of Heydrich presented to Hitler in January “has not been implemented for a sole reason: because the Generalgouvernement at the moment is not able to absorb a single Jew or Pole from the ‘Altreich’.” But the Generalgouvernement still had to accept the 60,000 Jews from Vienna. He noted that in Vienna they probably could only handle the deportation of 45,000 persons. For that reason, it might be possible to transport the remaining number of 15,000 from Berlin.573 END OF MARCH During the operation of the General Building Inspector Speer, hundreds of Jewish tenants must vacate their apartment for “Aryan” tenants. he former are to be housed as subtenants or tenants, concentrated in buildings owned by Jews. he Housing Oice of the Jewish Community is required to support this operation by registering and checking the existing living space in Jewish possession.574 MARCH/APRIL he signs put up in 1940 in Berlin shops “No sale to Jews” are replaced by the words “No sale to Jews and to persons who wish to shop for Jews.”575 2 APRIL he Jewish Community is forced to change its formal name to Jüdische Kultusvereinigung zu Berlin e.V. (Jewish Religious Association in Berlin).576 21 APRIL Goebbels demands that “an identifying badge should be created for the Jews in Berlin. At the moment, we can’t ship them out because they remain indispensable as workers.”577 573 Institut für Zeitgeschichte/Archive Munich, MA-423, fols. 5604–5605: Memo, 21 March 1941 about meeting, 20 March 1941; reproduced in Adler, Hans G., Der verwaltete Mensch. Studien zur Deportation der Juden aus Deutschland, Tübingen 1974, pp. 152–153. 574 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1941, Teil III, p. 29, No. 30: Decree Pfeil (p.p. Planning Oice), 18 March 1941; see JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 24, 25 March 1941, p. 2. 575 Aubau, 18 April 1941; see Sellenthin, Geschichte der Juden in Berlin, p. 86. 576 LA Berlin, A Rep. 342, Acc. 2147, No. 28006, fol. 62: decision, 2 April 1941. 577 Conference, 21 April 1941; see Boelcke, Kriegspropaganda, p. 695. 145 1941 22 APRIL All training and continuing education courses on artisan crats which are still being run by the Jewish Community or the Reich Association are to be terminated. Trainees and teachers are to be incorporated into forced labor deployment (Order of the Gestapo).578 20 MAY “In the light of the doubtless imminent Final Solution of the Jewish question,” the RSHA forbids the emigration of all Jews from France and Belgium. 22 MAY On the basis of the “10th Implementation Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Law” of 4 July 1939, the chief of the Security Police and the Security Service of the SS has forcibly integrated the real estate of Jewish owners and organizations into the assets of the Reich Association. he Berlin Municipality regards this as transfer of property in the sense of the Berlin Ordinance on the Capital Gains Tax. It therefore orders the Reich Association to pay capital gains tax (Decree of the Main Tax Oice).579 MAY With the help of the irst big “Operation for Vacating of Jewish Apartments,” General Building Inspector Albert Speer has made 940 apartments available to the Reich capital for accommodating bombed-out “Volksgenossen.” 580 22 JUNE Germany attacks the Soviet Union. he genocide against Soviet citizens of Jewish descent begins in the irst days with mass executions by Einsatzgruppen of the SS and police units as well as Wehrmacht units behind the front. MID-JULY he Jewish Community must report all Jewish women up to the age of 60 to the Staatspolizeileitstelle (Gestapo) in Berlin. he Gestapo will send the list on to the Labor Oice (Order of the Gestapo).581 JULY/AUGUST Berlin Jews no longer can receive the extra allowance food ration cards for working long hours, manual labor and heavy menial labor. Based on reduced food rations for Jews, the forced laborers in the industrial plants are either to be given warm meals 578 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 125, fol. 253: Chronicle 1941 (ca. end of August 1941). 579 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1941, Teil IX, p. 118, No. 115: Decree Mackensen (Main Tax Oice). 580 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 107, Acc. 2133, No. 53 a, fol. 978: Chronicle of General Building Inspector/Berlin 1941, p. 39 (May 1941). 581 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 2, fol. 41: Meeting, Exec. Comm., Reich Association, 16 July 1941. 146 1941 in separate kitchens or “special cooking facilities will be made available to them for self-preparation of meals.” Jews are only permitted to take their meals in canteen rooms separated from the rest of the workers (Decree, Central Food Oice).582 In this phase, Hitler decides to postpone the total deportation of the Jews from the Reich until the end of the war, expected in the autumn of 1941. However, until that point, partial deportations are to be organized, from other cities and Berlin. BEGINNING OF AUGUST he RSHA informs the Reich Association and the Vienna Jewish Community that the order previously valid for the Protectorate, prohibiting all Jewish men between 18 and 45 from leaving the Reich, is now being extended to the Altreich and Austria as well. he Berlin labor administration recruits all able-bodied pensioners up to the age of 60 (women the age of 55) in the Reich Association and the Jewish Community previously exempted from forced labor. At this point in time, contemporary estimates speak of between 26,000 and 28,000 Jews working as forced laborers in Berlin irms.583 FROM MID-AUGUST With a huge bureaucratic expenditure, the supplementary cards of the 1939 census are searched for persons of Jewish descent. It is then noted on the cards who has emigrated and who has died.584 18 AUGUST Hitler promises Goebbels that the Berlin Jews will be “deported from Berlin to the East as fast as possible as soon as the irst transport possibility is available.”585 AUGUST Albert Speer orders the so-called third operation for clearing 5,000 “Judenwohnungen.” For the irst time, the Berlin Gestapo is given the lists for clearing out the tenants, not the Jewish Community (Order, General Building Inspector for the Redesign of the Reich Capital).586 582 BA-MA Freiburg i.Br., RW 20-3, No. 15, fol. 203: Letter, Armaments Inspectorate III to Higher Command, Wehrmacht Economic Armaments Oice, 15 August 1941. 583 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 2, fol. 39RS: Meeting, Exec. Comm., Reich Association, 4 August 1941; see Gruner, Reichshauptstadt, p. 247. 584 See notes on the let edge of the card: “erl[edigt]” [“processed”], 12 August to 17 September 1941; BA Berlin, R 1509, No. 18, Land: 02 Berlin, Stadtkreis Berlin 8, Karton Brücher-Bzik. 585 Goebbels, Die Tagebücher, Teil II, Vol. 1, p. 266, Entry of 19 August 1941; see ibid., p. 278, entry of 20 August 1941. 586 LA Berlin, A Pr.Br.Rep. 107, Acc. 2133, No. 53a, fol. 1005: „Chronik des Generalbauinspektors Albert Speer, dargestellt von Rudolf Wolters u.a.“, 1941, pp. 66–67 (August 1941). Since the lists contained only the names of principal tenants, the Gestapo then obtained the names of the subtenants via the police precincts; Willems, Der entsiedelte Jude, pp. 291–301. 147 1941 1 SEPTEMBER he police ordinance on the special public marking of Jews with the Yellow Star in Germany, Austria and the Protectorate is issued. In future, Jews are barred from leaving their residential community without a permit from the authorities. hese discriminations enter into force on 19 September. FIRST HALF OF SEPTEMBER Since the occupied Soviet territories and the Generalgouvernement in this phase cannot be used as destinations for the partial deportations, irst 60,000 Jews, somewhat later “only” 20,000 Jews from Berlin, Vienna and Prague and other German cities are to be temporarily deported to the Łódź Ghetto (Litzmannstadt) in the Warthegau. he Gestapo personnel ills out several thousand pre-printed orders for assets seizure for October with personal data of Berlin Jews and predates them by hand for 3 October.587 SECOND HALF OF SEPTEMBER Jews are now restricted from freely using public transport. It is now prohibited to publicly sell Jews any newspapers or periodicals. 17/18 SEPTEMBER On these two days, the Jewish Community must distribute the notorious “Jew’s star” to every Jew, a yellow cloth badge, costing 0.10 RM, at various district distribution points (schools and synagogues) (Announcement in Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).588 18 SEPTEMBER It is in future forbidden for Jews to relocate to Berlin (Order of the Gestapo).589 1 OCTOBER he Jewish Community is advised about the upcoming “partial evacuation” of Jewish families. he synagogue on Levetzowstraße must be prepared as a collection point for the transports (Order of the Gestapo).590 3 OCTOBER he “Ordinance on the Employment of Jews” legalizes the forced labor of German Jews in the Altreich, already in practice for almost three years. 587 Willems, Der entsiedelte Jude, pp. 291–301. 588 JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 61, 12 September 1941, p. 1. 589 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 761, fol. 8: Memo Cohn (Reich Association), 18 September 1941. 590 YV Jerusalem, 01/51: Report Hildegard Henschel, p. 3; see Henschel, Jüdische Gemeinde Berlin, p. 34. LBI/ Archive New York, Memoir Coll.: “Bericht 23./24. 7. 1958” of Martha Mosse, p. 9. 148 1941 In connection with the purchase of Jewish real estate by the municipality, it must pay one fee instead of several previous authorization fees, according to the Regulations for Prices of 6 January 1941 (RGBl., 1941 I, pp. 29–31), to which all other are calculated and added. As a matter of fundamental principle, applications by Jewish sellers for these fees to be covered by the municipality must be rejected (Circular, Local Authority Real Estate Oice).591 18 OCTOBER he irst special train of the Reichsbahn with some 1,000 Berlin Jews leaves the Reich capital, destination Łódź (Litzmannstadt). In the following weeks there are three further transports.592 23 OCTOBER he Reichsführer-SS and Chief of the German Police, Himmler, forbids the emigration of all Jews from the area of the Reich and the occupied territories. 24 OCTOBER he Gestapo instructs the Jewish Community to warn Berlin Jews about covering over and concealing of the “Yellow Star” by means of collars, pocket books or portfolios (Announcement in Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).593 31 OCTOBER he Berlin Transport Authority orders its conductors to ensure that given “large crowds […], Jews should not be allowed to enter streetcars, busses or subway trains.”594 OCTOBER Down to 5 November 1941, 20 special trains of the Reichsbahn deport a total of 19,837 Jews from Germany, Austria, and the Protectorate to the Łódź (Litzmannstadt) Ghetto. he inance administration expropriates their assets for the beneit of the Reich. Among the deportees are 4,187 persons from Berlin.595 Since the beginning of the transports, many Jews have taken their own lives. On a single day in October, there are an estimated 280 suicides by Jews in Berlin.596 591 592 593 594 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1941, Teil II, p. 131, No. 81: Decree Müller-Wiegand. Cf. Berliner Juden im Getto Litzmannstadt. JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 67, 24 October 1941, p. 1. LA Berlin, A Rep. 260 BVG, No. 35, fol. 99: Public announcement, Management, Berlin Transport society, 31 October 1941. 595 Report, police in Litzmannstadt, 13 November 1941, in: Pätzold/Schwarz, Tagesordnung: Judenmord, pp. 87–88. 596 Hitler’s Ten-Year War on the Jews. Institute of Jewish Afairs, New York 1943, p. 30. 149 1941 14 NOVEMBER Beginning of the next partial deportations from the Reich, this time to Minsk and Riga. 25 NOVEMBER With the “11th Implementation Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Law,” deported or emigrated Jews lose their citizenship. heir assets then automatically become the property of the German Reich. 25 TO 30 NOVEMBER Immediately ater their arrival in Kovno and Riga, 6,000 Jews deported from Berlin and other large cities are included in the systematic murder operations against the ghetto residents there and are executed.597 1 DECEMBER he Jewish population is stripped of its right to free disposal of its remaining personal property and belongings. he Gestapo forbids Jews to sell, rent, lease or make a git of their mobile assets (furnishings, etc). 5 DECEMBER he Berlin State Youth Oice informs all districts that the Youth Protection Act no longer applies to Jewish youth due to the national ordinances on forced labor of 3 and 31 October 1941 (Decree, Berlin State Youth Oice).598 12 DECEMBER he RHSA prohibits Jews, who must wear the “star,” from using public telephones (telephone booths, booths at the post oice, etc.). 15 DECEMBER Applications for simple maintenance (watering and cleaning) for graves of the Jewish deceased and applications for arrangement of “permanent grave maintenance for Jewish graves” are no longer to be accepted. By contrast, existing contracts must be fulilled for the duration of the grave rest period. According to a decree of 5 July 1934, relatives were required to remove inscriptions of a “Marxist character” as well as Freemason symbols. On Jewish graves, such symbols should also be removed even if they are perhaps not Masonic in origin but represent a symbol of the profession of the deceased (Decree, Lord Mayor).599 597 Aufstellung der bis 1. Dezember 1941 durchgeführten Exekutionen, in: Einsatz im „Reichskommissariat Ostland“. Dokumente zum Völkermord im Baltikum und in Weißrußland 1941–1944, eds. Wolfgang Benz et al., Berlin 1998, No. 170, p. 190; and Head of the Security Police-report USSR, 5 January 1942 in ibid., No. 63, p. 96. 598 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1941, Teil VII, p. 244, No. 217: Decree Lange (State Youth Oice). 599 Ibid., 1941, Teil III, p. 131, No. 130: Decree Pertl (Lord Mayor/Planning Oice) to the districts. 150 1941 30 DECEMBER Jews and “Mischlinge” are no longer entitled to receive inancial aid for gited needy students at municipal schools, efective 1 April 1942 (Principles for Granting Financial Assistance for Pupils at Municipal Schools in the Reich Capital).600 DECEMBER In Kulmhof (Chelmno) in the Warthegau, which has been incorporated into the German Reich, Jews are being systematically murdered in mass numbers in specially converted trucks using exhaust fumes. In 1941, the direction of the Jewish cemetery Berlin-Weißensee records 267 suicides, 79 just in the second half of October alone, when the deportations began, and 162 until the end of November. he estimated number of unrecorded cases, however, is much greater. Just for the Stahnsdorf cemetery, in the period from mid-October to early November, eight further cases of suicide are recorded.601 600 Ibid., 1942, Teil VIII, p. 11, No. 15: Decree Behagel (p.p. Main school oice). 601 Fischer, Erzwungener Freitod, pp. 15, 121–129. 151 1942 1942 10 JANUARY he Berlin municipality formally excludes Jews from using all municipal bathing facilities (swimming pools, facilities for tub and shower baths, steam baths and medicinal baths), ater they were already prevented since 1938 from entry to these facilities (General Regulations for Bathing for the Municipal Bathing Facilities of the Reich Capital).602 FIRST HALF OF JANUARY By mid-January, Jews across the Reich are required to hand over, without compensation, all wool and fur items in their personal possession, as well as skis, ski shoes and mountain-climbing footgear. 20 JANUARY A conference is convened at the Wannsee lake, under the direction of the head of the RSHA, Reinhard Heydrich. In attendance are state secretaries from the most important Reich ministries, representatives of the administration of the occupied Eastern territories, and the Security Police and SS. he conference serves for coordinating all measures for deportation and murder of the European Jews. he future inclusion of Jews living in “mixed marriages” and Jewish “Mischlinge” in the annihilation operations is also discussed, without coming to any conclusion. END OF JANUARY Ater the completion of the irst two partial deportations with a total of some 10,000 Berlin victims, oicially 58,637 Germans still live in Berlin who are deined by the Nazis as Jews.603 JANUARY On the suggestion of the Berlin NSDAP, the acting Lord Mayor Steeg orders a freeze on pension payments for Jews in Berlin, since these persons will soon all be deported to the Eastern territories (Decree, Lord Mayor).604 10 FEBRUARY Coal dealers are no longer permitted to provide irewood to Jewish holders of coal ration cards (2nd Announcement on the Distribution of Firewood).605 602 Amtsblatt der Reichshauptstadt Berlin 83 (1942), No. 4, 25 January 1942, p. 51: Decree Lord Mayor/Main Health Oice. 603 BA Berlin, R 8150, F.-No. 52407–23, fol. 152: Reich Association, January Statistics, 31 January 1942. 604 See: letter, Lord Mayor Berlin to Reich Interior Ministry, 23 March and letter from Reich Interior Ministry to Reich Chancellery, 9 June 1942; Adam, Judenpolitik im Dritten Reich, p. 342. 605 Amtsblatt der Reichshauptstadt Berlin 83 (1942), 8. Sonderausgabe, 16 February 1942, pp. 93–94: Decree Lord Mayor/Main Economic Oice. 153 1942 17 FEBRUARY Jews are excluded from delivery of newspapers, magazines and copies of laws and ordinances by the postal authorities, publishers or street dealers. FEBRUARY/MARCH he Berlin Gestapo would like to “remove the Jews … from the cityscape” as quickly as possible. Since still thousands of Jews toil as forced laborers, these persons, separated from their families, are to be in future interned in “closed camps” near industrial plants and are to be treated like POWs. he Gestapo discusses this initiative publicly with representatives of all private irms employing more than 100 Jewish forced laborers.606 24 MARCH he Reich Interior Ministry issues an absolute prohibition for Jews on making use of public transport within the city; exceptions are made solely for school pupils and employees of Jewish institutions. Forced laborers are permitted to submit an application for an exception permit only if their distance traveled to work is more than 7 km or one hour travel time. 26 MARCH On orders from the Gestapo, living quarters of Jews across the Reich must be marked by a “Jewish star made of paper.” his is likewise obligatory for all social facilities and administrative oices of the Jewish Communities and the Reich Association (district oices, schools, etc.). 28 MARCH Ater an interruption in transport for several weeks due to the war, the next batch of Berlin Jews are due to be deported to the Generalgouvernement. 2 APRIL Heydrich instructs the Gestapo oices in the Reich that the assets of the Reich Association are in future to serve “principally for the Final Solution of the Jewish question in Europe.” hese assets are now considered “no longer Jewish as such, but rather ultimately as already committed assets, earmarked for purposes of the German Reich.” 10 APRIL Some 230 irms, including the large companies Zeiss-Ikon and Siemens, employ many thousands Jewish forced laborers in Berlin.607 606 BA Berlin, Provisional Archive Dahlwitz-Hoppegarten (former Archive of the Center for Documentation of the State Archival Administration in the GDR), Dok/K 568/1, fol. 55: memo, IG Farben – Aceta – Berlin, 9 February 1942. 607 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 55, fol. 203: Jewish Community (JKV) Berlin to Reich Association, 10 April 1942. 154 1942 25 APRIL In future, the municipality will treat the Jews employed as forced laborers in its facilities or plants as “temporarily employed workers.” he formal but not actual limitation of nine months on this temporary employment relationship makes it possible for the city to ignore the right of the forced laborers to unpaid free time for the iscal year 1942/43 (according to the ordinance on conscript labor of October 1941, Jews are not entitled to payment for vacation time) (Decree, Lord Mayor).608 9 MAY he Jewish Community (now Jüdische Kultusvereinigung) must announce that additional areas in Berlin will be closed to Jews, namely the streets Unter den Linden, Tauentzienstraße and part of the Kurfürstendamm.609 15 MAY hroughout the Reich, Jews are prohibited from owning domestic pets (dogs, cats, birds, etc.). he owners are required to report their animals by 20 May for surrender to the authorities. In Berlin, the animals to be surrendered shall be registered at the Jewish Hospital. he oice actually responsible for handling transport claims receives a large number of requests for exemptions to the prohibition on domestic pets.610 18 MAY Members of the Jewish-Communist resistance group around Herbert Baum carry out an arson attack on the National Socialist propaganda exhibition “he Soviet Paradise” in the Berlin Lustgarten.611 29 MAY Gestapo chief Müller, accompanied by Eichmann, informs the summoned representatives of the Reich Association and the Jewish Community that 500 Berlin Jews have been taken as hostages due to the participation of ive Jews in the arson attack on the Lustgarten exhibition. Two-hundred-ity Jews have been shot, 250 sent to a concentration camp. Of those executed, 154 were shot in Berlin, 96 in the Sachsenhausen 608 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1942, Teil I, p. 118, No. 99: Decree Plath (Lord Mayor/Main Planning Oice). 609 Letter by Erich Frey, May 1942, in Kreutzer, „Die Gespräche drehten sich auch vielfach um die Reise, die wir alle antreten müssen“, p. 104. 610 Henschel, Aus der Arbeit der Jüdischen Gemeinde Berlin, p. 40. 611 Cf. Scheler, Wolfgang, Der Brandanschlag im Berliner Lustgarten im Mai 1942 und seine Folgen. Eine quellenkritische Betrachtung, in: Berlin in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Jahrbuch des Landesarchivs Berlin, Berlin 1984, pp. 91–118. 155 1942 concentration camp. Müller threatens further reprisal executions for similar incidents, and this is to be announced to the Jewish population.612 31 MAY Food items not rationed can only be sold to Jews “if they are available in such quantities that every demand by German consumers can be readily met” (Decree, Lord Mayor).613 6 JUNE he Gestapo commences with the deportation of the elderly from Berlin to the heresienstadt ghetto in the Protectorate. 9 JUNE Jews are required, without compensation, to hand over “all articles of clothing which are not necessary for their own modest everyday life,” although since the outbreak of the war they have had no possibility to buy new clothes, underwear or linen. MID-JUNE On orders from the Gestapo, Jews must surrender to the German authorities, without compensation, all optical and electrical items and appliances in their personal possession, such as binoculars and telescopes, cameras, electric heaters, cooking plates, vacuum cleaners, as well as typewriters and bicycles. 20 JUNE he Reich Association is ordered to shut down, by 30 June 1942, its separate school system operating since 1939. With the closure of Jewish schools, no longer does any educational facility whatsoever exist for Jews in Germany. Pupils aged 14 and above are to be reported to the Labor Oice for forced labor deployment. 24 JUNE Jews and “Mischlinge” are barred from obtaining scholarships for female pupils from poverty backgrounds in the Medical Technical College at the municipal Rudolf Virchow Hospital (Regulations for Implementation of the Basic Principles for Scholarships).614 612 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 8, fol. 109: memo, 29 May 1942. See on this Hildesheimer, Esriel, Die Jüdische Selbstverwaltung unter dem NS-Regime. Der Existenzkampf der Reichsvertretung und Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland, Tübingen 1994, pp. 221–231. 613 Amtsblatt der Reichshauptstadt Berlin 83 (1942), No. 24, 14 June 1942, p. 344: Decree Petzke (Lord Mayor/ Main Oice for Food). 614 Regulations granting exceptions for Jews now only pertained to Jews in “mixed marriage.” Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1942, Teil VI, p. 91, No. 187: Decree Steeg (Lord Mayor/Main Health Oice). 156 1942 JULY/AUGUST he Berlin district headquarters of the Gestapo orders the executive committee of the Jewish Community to produce a list of all Jews still resident in Berlin by the end of July. It should include names, marital status, address and data on forced labor service, etc. In this list, Jews living in “mixed marriages” must be specially so identiied. Down to 21 August, the Jewish Community provides the Gestapo with 30,000 cards with data on “badge wearers,” and later on submits 16,000 more cards of Jews not required to wear the yellow star.615 18 AUGUST Members of the resistance group Baum are executed in the Berlin-Plötzensee jail.616 2 SEPTEMBER Jews in Berlin are now permitted to shop solely between 4 and 5 p.m. on weekdays. In future, they are totally banned from shopping in market halls, at weekly markets and from vendors with street stands. he Jews still entitled to purchase whole milk are now barred from doing so except during the allotted shopping hour from 4 to 5 p.m. (Police Ordinance Amending the Police Ordinance on Shopping Times for Jews of 4 July 1940).617 Since some Jews have tried to circumvent the regulations for shopping times, the police is ordered to take more energetic measures: Jews who come to stand and wait outside or inside stores prior to 4 p.m. must be instructed to leave. Jews who are still on the premises of shops ater 5 p.m. are to be ordered out of the store and reported to the police, even if they entered the store before 5 p.m. Between 4 and 5 p.m., Jews cannot under any circumstances be given preferential treatment or be served out of turn in the waiting line, even if they are elderly or frail. Goods are not permitted to be put aside for them, and pre-ordering items by phone or orally is strictly forbidden. Police oicers are instructed to implement these regulations by means of strict controls and checks. “Aryan” proprietors are also to be reported to the police in cases of violation of regulations (Order of the police chief on the Police Ordinance on Shopping Times for Jews).618 8 SEPTEMBER he city president writes in a report for July/August 1942: “he evacuation of the Jews is rolling on ahead. At the moment, there are still some 52,000 Jews in Berlin, 615 Hildesheimer, Selbstverwaltung, pp. 210–211. 616 Wippermann, Steinerne Zeugen, p. 103. 617 Beilage D zu den Amtlichen Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, No. 38, 7 September 1942; see Amtsblatt für den Landespolizeibezirk Berlin 1942, No. 71. 618 Amtliche Nachrichten des Polizeipräsidiums in Berlin, 1942, No. 38, 7 September 1942, pp. 113–114. 157 1942 including 13,000 Mischlinge and Jews without the star. A further 13,000 Jews are to be evacuated by the end of November 1942. Approximately 19,000 Jews are deployed in conscript labor. Some individuals irms are now releasing Jews because in the meantime they have obtained Russians as workers.” As the Gestapo did in the spring, now the city president plans in conjunction with other oices to quarter the “Jews deployed in conscript labor vital to the war efort in barracks.”619 18 SEPTEMBER he Reich Ministry for Food and Agriculture strips Jews of their ration cards for meat, milk, white bread and tobacco products. In addition, they are no longer permitted to receive items of which there is a shortage. hese prohibitions also hold in the case of the sick and pregnant women. SEPTEMBER In this month alone, the Gestapo deports 12,346 Jews from the Reich, including 10,000, in the main elderly persons, to heresienstadt. his is the largest number of deportees in any single month since the autumn of 1941. 6 OCTOBER he RSHA intends in November to begin with the “evacuation” of the last “Jews still deployed at labor on the territory of the Reich” and their exchange for non-Jewish Poles from the Generalgouvernement. he General Plenipotentiary for Labor Deployment is informed that “initially we will resort to taking Jews working at odd jobs of all sorts,” because their exchange and replacement is easiest. he “skilled” forced laborers will remain at their plant jobs until the Polish substitute workers have been properly trained, so as to limit losses in production “to the smallest possible degree.” 7 OCTOBER he Gestapo orders the creation of a psychiatric ward in the Jewish Hospital Berlin. he last mental institution in the Reich open to Jews, Bendorf-Sayn, is shut down. Jewish “mental cases” from the territory of the Reich are in future to be admitted exclusively to the Berlin hospital (Order of the Gestapo).620 9 OCTOBER Jews are prohibited from buying books in bookstores. 619 he plan to house them in barracks was not realized; LA Berlin, A Rep. 001-02, No. 3334, No. 7, no fols.: “Economic Situation Report of the City President of the Reich Capital/State Economic Oice”, for July/ August 1942, p. 12. 620 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 16, fol. 76: memo, 7 October 1942; see Decree of Reich Interior Ministry, 10 November 1942; Reichsministerialblatt der inneren Verwaltung, 1942, p. 2150. See also announcement, JNBl., No. 53, 31 December 1942, p. 1. Elkin claims that this development had begun already back in June/July 1942; idem, Krankenhaus, p. 129. 158 1942 SECOND HALF OF OCTOBER he Berlin Gestapo carries out a selection at short notice among the 1,416 employees and assistants at the Jewish Community. On 26 October 1942, 345 Community staf members (109 men and 236 women) are deported to Riga on the so-called Community transport. Of those Community employees selected for the transport, 20 manage to lee.621 BEGINNING OF NOVEMBER Because 20 Jewish Community employees disappeared into hiding before the planned 26 October deportation, 20 staf workers of the Jewish Community Berlin and the Reich Association are arrested in reprisal.622 When the Gestapo inds it is unable to apprehend all the Community staf members who have led, it orders four employees of the Jewish Community and four members of the executive committee of the Reich Association shot, and their relatives are deported.623 FIRST HALF OF NOVEMBER he Armaments Inspectorate of the Wehrmacht responsible for wartime production is informed that “the non-Aryans, including the Jewish workers deployed in armaments plants,” are in the near future to be “evacuated from Greater Berlin.”624 Ater the conclusion of deportations in Vienna, the transport specialists there are ordered to Berlin. In the subsequent two months, they organize the deportations from the capital, under the direction of Alois Brunner. Now Jews are arrested brutally, without previous notice, block by block in their apartments. he collection camp on Große Hamburger Straße is restructured to handle large-scale transports. Piles of straw serve as beds, doors are removed from toilets, windows are itted with metal gratings.625 621 On 19 October 1942, the Jewish Community is ordered within a few hours to submit lists with the names of its employees to the Gestapo. A total of 511 individuals are selected, some of them for heresienstadt; CJA Berlin, Bestand 1, 75 A Berlin 2, No. 17, fol. 299: Table (n.d.); ibid., fol. 318: Table, 13 October 1942; and ibid., fol. 290: memo M. Henschel, 19 October 1942. 622 Henschel, Aus der Arbeit der Jüdischen Gemeinde Berlin, pp. 42–43. On this and the following, see also Blau, Bruno, (untitled), in: Richarz, Monika (ed.), Jüdisches Leben in Deutschland. Selbstzeugnisse zur Sozialgeschichte, Vol. 3: 1918–1945, Stuttgart 1982, p. 461. (English edition: Jewish Life in Germany. Memoirs from hree Centuries, Bloomington/IN, 1991, pp. 460–474). 623 Wippermann, Steinerne Zeugen, p. 103; Gruner, Reichshauptstadt, pp. 246–251; Meyer, Beate, Gratwanderung zwischen Verantwortung und Verstrickung – Die Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland und die jüdische Gemeinde zu Berlin 1938–1945, in: idem, Juden in Berlin, pp. 309–311; see also idem, he Fine Line between Responsible Action and Collaboration: he Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland and the Jewish Community in Berlin, 1938–1945, in: idem, Jews in Nazi Berlin, pp. 323–326. 624 BA-MA Freiburg i.Br., RW 20–3, No. 2, fol. 18: War diary Armaments Inspectorate III, 1 October–31 December 1942: entry, 9 November 1942. 625 Interrogation Harry Schnapp (n.d.); Landgericht Berlin, 3 P Ks 1/71 against Otto Bovensiepen, Vol. V, fol. 39–40; and ibid., other interrogations. 159 1942 22 NOVEMBER he Reich Association is ordered to check its membership data on the basis of a so-called emigration card catalogue and the card catalogue of the Berlin Labor Oice. Updating of data records on Berlin Jews must be completed by 1 December 1942.626 27 NOVEMBER he Reich Association announces that all Jews in Berlin, including so-called “Geltungsjuden,” must provide the Association’s statistics department with personal data (name, marital status, address, work situation) on a piece of paper the size of a postcard, in quadruplicate, by 1 December. Changes ater this date must be reported immediately to the Land Registry Oice of the Jewish Community (Announcement, Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).627 29 NOVEMBER Regular transports begin on this date from Berlin to the Auschwitz concentration and extermination camp. BEGINNING OF DECEMBER Private irms are informed in Berlin, where far more than 15,000 Jewish forced laborers are still employed, that “according to the latest information,” the set deadline for their removal expires on 31 March 1943.628 11 DECEMBER Many Berlin Jews have not submitted the report slips for the statistical survey, as a comparison of slips received with the “original lists” shows. hey are ordered to make up for this and given a new deadline of 14 December. Non-compliance is punishable (Order of the Gestapo, Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt).629 626 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 3, no fols.: Executy Committee, matters, 22 November 1942. See also Gruner, Reichshauptstadt, p. 251. 627 JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 48, 27 November 1942, p. 1. 628 Conference Siemens-Schuckert Werke AG, 7–8 December 1942; cited in Siegel, Tilla, Industrielle Rationalisierung unter dem Nationalsozialismus, Frankfurt/M. et.al. 1991, p. 389. See Kempner, Robert M. W., Die Ermordung von 35 000 Berliner Juden. Der Judenmordprozeß in Berlin schreibt Geschichte, in: Gegenwart und Rückblick. Festschrit, Berlin 1970, p. 202. See also in detail Gruner, Widerstand in der Rosenstraße, pp. 42–47. 629 JNBl. (Berlin edition), No. 50, 11 December 1942, p. 1. 160 UNTIL DECEMBER In 1942, the Jewish cemetery Berlin-Weißensee records the highest single number of suicides during the entire Nazi period, although the Jewish population in Berlin has contracted as a result of deportations from ca. 160,000 in 1933 to some 30,000. A total of 823 Berlin Jews took their lives in 1942. he number of unreported cases is far greater.630 END OF DECEMBER One year ater commencement of deportations, only some 33,000 Jews as deined by the Nazis are still living in Berlin. Of these, 15,100 are deployed as forced laborers.631 630 Fischer, Erzwungener Freitod, pp. 15, 129–153. 631 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 69, fol. 116: Reich Association Statistics, January 1943, 12 February 1943; ibid., NS 19, No. 1570, no fols.: Korherr-report (long version), 1 January 1943, p. 13. 161 1943 1943 28 JANUARY he Jüdische Kultusvereinigung zu Berlin e.V. (Jewish Religious Association, e.g. Jewish Community) is incorporated into the Reich Association, which leads to its removal from the Registry of Associations, but not its liquidation.632 MID-FEBRUARY he National Socialist leadership decides on the speedy and complete deportation of all Jews still in Germany, especially the remaining forced laborers. 18 FEBRUARY Goebbels notes in his diary what he learned the previous day: “he Jews in Berlin will now inally be expelled. With the key deadline of 28 February, they are initially to be concentrated in camps. hey then will be deported, in batches, every day up to 2,000.”633 20 FEBRUARY he RSHA issues new guidelines for the deportation of the Jews to Auschwitz and heresienstadt. As previously, these guidelines exclude from the transports all Jews living in “mixed marriages.” 27/28 FEBRUARY he Gestapo arrests more than 10,000 Jewish men, women and children across the Reich in a two-day period. With this surprising raid at the close of the deportations, the intention is to seize in particular those Jews still working as forced laborers in industry and the labor camps, along with their families. his large-scale operation is the third biggest anti-Jewish raid on the territory of the Reich under National Socialism, along with the expulsions of Polish nationals the end of October 1938 and the mass arrests during the pogrom in November 1938. here are still 27,281 Jewish Germans resident in Berlin. he Gestapo requires more than a week in order to round up and intern in particular the 11,000 forced laborers from the Berlin irms and their relatives for deportation. State Police in Berlin (Staatspolizeileitstelle, i.e. Gestapo) had informed the companies involved about the transport of their forced laborers the evening of 26 February 1943. he next morning, it informed the precinct stations of the Berlin regular police by radio. In the course of the “Macro-Operation Jews” (“Großaktion Juden”), as the raid is termed in the police sources, the Berlin Gestapo on 27/28 February arrests between 8,000 and 10,000 persons in the irms where they are deployed as forced laborers. In addition, Jews on these 632 LA Berlin, Rep. 42, Acc. 2147, No. 28006, fol. 96: Order, 28 January 1943; facsimile in Simon, Die Berliner Juden, p. 147. 633 Goebbels, Die Tagebücher, Teil II, Vol. 7, p. 369, entry of 18 February 1943. 163 1943 two days and in the subsequent period are arrested and taken into custody by Gestapo and municipal police (Schutzpolizei) in their homes, on the streets and at various oices. he collection camps for those arrested are located in Berlin-Mitte (Ball room “Clou” on Mauerstraße or Zimmerstraße, the former Jewish Home for the Aged on Große Hamburger Straße and the building on Gerlachstraße), in Moabit (the synagogue at Levetzowstraße 7/8, and the garage of the Hermann Göring Barracks), and in Reinickendorf (the stables of the Wehrmacht barracks on Rathenower Straße). he police bring the prisoners from Charlottenburg and elsewhere to the synagogue that is oicially known as Camp II of the large-scale operation; it transports those arrested in Tempelhof and Schöneberg inter alia to the “Clou” concert hall venue, so-called Camp IV. In the collection camps, where they are kept several days under horrifying spatial and sanitary conditions, they are forced to hand over their valuables and keys, and are presented with decrees on the coniscation and seizure of their possessions for the beneit of the German Reich.634 Among those arrested are several thousand Jews in “mixed marriages” and “Mischlinge” (principally “Geltungsjuden”). hey are separated from the rest in the collection camps, and a portion is released immediately. But the Gestapo takes 2,000 of them to a separated collection camp, located in the administrative building of the Jewish Community at Rosenstraße 2–4. Many non-Jewish relatives, fearing their spouses, parents or siblings may be put quickly on a transport, gather in front of this internment site.635 1 TO 6 MARCH In one of the largest deportation operations, the Gestapo deports 10,948 Jews from Germany. he majority are immediately murdered in Auschwitz. Two-thirds of those sent to Auschwitz, about 7,000, are originally from Berlin. hey are transported in ive special trains. 1 TO 12 MARCH Beginning on 1 March, the Jews from “mixed marriages” in the camp at Rosenstraße 2–4 are gradually released. hey are ordered to report to the Labor Oice for segregated labor deployment. Several hundred persons are selected for future work in various departments of the Jewish Community Berlin and the Reich Association (real estate, taxes, etc.) on the basis of their earlier professions. hey are to replace staf workers slated for deportation and not protected by the status of a “mixed marriage.” On 9 March, the Gestapo transfers 300 Jews from Rosenstraße to the Jewish Commu634 On this in detail, see Gruner, Widerstand in der Rosenstraße, pp. 59–87. 635 On this in detail, ibid., pp. 88–156; see also Jochheim, Frauenprotest in der Rosenstraße; Stoltzfus, Widerstand des Herzens; Schröder, Nina: Hitlers unbeugsame Gegnerinnen. Der Frauenaufstand in der Rosenstraße, Munich 2001 (original: 1998). 164 1943 nity on Oranienburger Straße. Ater new checks, inally some 225 Jews from “mixed marriages” and “Geltungsjuden” are taken as employees; they are to replace 450 staf workers who are deported a short time later. he process of checking individuals before their inal release continues until 12 March.636 About 4,000 Jews manage to avoid arrest during this period by going into hiding and leeing. Although many of them are later discovered and deported, a substantial number are able to survive with the aid of non-Jewish Berliners. In the wake of the brutal “Factory Operation,” far more than 100 Berlin Jews take their own lives. he Jewish cemetery Weißensee alone records 98 suicides between 26 February and 12 March 1943, a span of two weeks.637 MARCH/APRIL Ater the Factory Operation, the Berlin Labor Oice does not deploy the Jewish forced laborers in “mixed marriages,” as elsewhere in the Reich territory, at skilled jobs in industry anymore. Rather, they are put to work again in discriminatory menial labor, such as garbage collection, distributing liquid manure at sewage farms, and demolition and construction work in private irms and the Reichsbahn railway.638 25 APRIL he “12th Implementation Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Law” strips Jews of their German citizenship. SPRING he Berlin municipality acquires from the Reich Association the properties Große Hamburger Straße 26, Auguststraße 14–16 and 17, which formerly belonged to the Jewish Community as social facilities and recently were used as camps. It pays a total price of more than 1.1 million RM in order to set up auxiliary youth hostels. It also purchases the land of the synagogue at Rykestraße 53 for 220,000 RM.639 MAY he approximately 300 persons in the nursing home on Auguststraße are deported.640 636 On this and the following: Gruner, Widerstand in der Rosenstraße, pp. 95–190. 637 Fischer, Erzwungener Freitod, pp. 153–160. 638 Gruner, Widerstand in der Rosenstraße, pp. 129–138, 181–184 and letter of RSHA, 28 April 1943; reproduced in Kempner, Robert M. W., Eichmann und Komplizen, 2nd ed., Zürich 1961, p. 121; Edel, Peter, Wenn es ans Leben geht. Meine Geschichte, 2 vols., 2nd ed., Berlin 1979, pp. 310–316. 639 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1944, Teil XI, p. 2, No. 1; and ibid., p. 4, No. 1. Over and beyond these acquisitions, the Berlin municipality purchased over 20 buildings and real estate from 1941 to 1944, initially mainly from private persons, later on from the Reich Association and the Jewish Community Berlin; see ibid., 1943, Teil XI, pp. 2–16, Nos. 1–4; ibid., 1944, Teil XI, pp. 2–14, Nos. 1–4. 640 Henschel, Aus der Arbeit der Jüdischen Gemeinde Berlin, p. 52. 165 1943 10 JUNE he compulsory organization Reich Association of the Jews in Germany is reduced to a minimal entity, the New Reich Association for the Jews in “mixed marriages,” and the Jüdische Kultusvereinigung zu Berlin e.V. is liquidated. he assets of the two previous organizations are coniscated (Order of the Gestapo).641 28 JUNE he last large transport departs Berlin with 300 deportees, destination Auschwitz. Most of these deported were staf workers of the Jewish Community.642 1 JULY With the “13th Implementation Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Law,” Jewish Germans come exclusively under police control. Ater the death of a Jew, his or her assets automatically fall to the state. 22 NOVEMBER he psychiatric ward is shut down in the Jewish Hospital. he patients in this ward brought to Berlin from the rest of the Reich are deported.643 UNTIL DECEMBER he Jewish cemetery Berlin-Weißensee records 233 suicides for 1943 among the shrinking Jewish population. his is nearly just as many as in the ive years from 1933 to 1937, when the number of Jewish residents in the city was tenfold greater. he number of unreported cases is far higher.644 641 BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 9, fol. 780: Memo, Reich Association on phone call Moser (Chief Finance Oicer), 12 August 1943; ibid., No. 6, fol. 83: Drat letter Chief Financial Oicer Berlin/Brandenburg/Dept. for the Utilization of Assets (November 1943); and Henschel, Aus der Arbeit der Jüdischen Gemeinde Berlin, p. 52. 642 Gottwaldt, Alfred/Schulle, Diana, Die „Judendeportationen“ aus dem Deutschen Reich 1941–1945, Wiesbaden 2005, pp. 421–422. 643 Elkin, Krankenhaus, p. 130. 644 Fischer, Erzwungener Freitod, pp. 153–160. 166 1944 1944 JANUARY On orders from Gestapo chief Heinrich Müller, the Gestapo deports all Jews to heresienstadt whose “mixed marriages” no longer exist due to divorce or death of the spouse. 10 JANUARY Subsequent to this order, a large-scale transport takes 352 persons from Berlin to heresienstadt.645 17 JANUARY In the framework of unifying administrative practice in the payment of municipal beneits, Jews are now excluded from training and study grants, along with economic and apprenticeship beneits (Guidelines for the Granting of Training and Apprenticeship Beneits).646 19 FEBRUARY Jews are required to pay penalties for late payment of property tax, even for real estate which has sufered war damage (taxes due 15 February 1944), since they cannot apply for exemption or deferment of payment. In the event of failure to pay, if possible rents from other properties or furnishings are impounded for the taxes. If that is not possible, a compulsory auction for foreclosure is arranged (Decree, Main Tax Oice).647 1 MARCH All prisoners from the camp at Große Hamburger Straße 26 are relocated to the pathology ward of the Jewish Hospital. A collection camp is set up there (Entrance Schulstraße 78).648 1 JULY In Berlin, there are only 5,978 Jews now oicially registered, several thousand are living in hiding.649 FIRST WEEK IN OCTOBER A second “Factory Operation” is organized across the entire Reich. On orders from Himmler, “Mischlinge of the irst degree and persons with Jewish kin (jüdisch Versippte)” are to be removed from industrial plants and deployed solely at manual labor as forced laborers. 645 Gottwaldt/Schulle, „Judendeportationen“, p. 365. 646 Dienstblatt des Magistrats von Berlin, 1944, Teil I, pp. 14–16, No. 12: Decree Pfeil (p.p. Lord Mayor). 647 Ibid., Teil IX, p. 33, No. 25: Decree Mackensen (Main Tax Oice). 648 Elkin, Krankenhaus, p. 130. 649 On the oicial number: BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 9, fol. 56: Statistics of 1. 7. 1944 (n.d.). 168 1945 1945 15 JANUARY On orders from the RSHA, all able-bodied Jews in “mixed marriages” (including “Geltungsjuden” as well) are to be deported by 15 February to heresienstadt, regardless of their job situation. FEBRUARY/MARCH Although in most large German cities transports are organized for these persons toward the end of the second week in February, this deportation, which apparently in the meantime has been extended to Jewish “Mischlinge” as well, can only be partially implemented due to the mounting chaos of the war. he Gestapo succeeds in deporting more than 1,600 persons from Germany to heresienstadt before the operation is terminated in March. Like in the rest of the Reich, all Jews in “mixed marriages” and all Jewish “Mischlinge” are to be deported to heresienstadt, but this plan evidently fails due to the lack of transport capacity.650 27 MARCH In the last transport from Berlin to heresienstadt, inmates from the Gestapo camp in the Jewish Hospital are deported.651 31 MARCH 5,990 Jews (Jews in “mixed marriages” and “Geltungsjuden”) are oicially registered in the Reich capital.652 2 MAY he Wehrmacht in Berlin surrenders to the Soviet Army. 7/8 MAY Unconditional surrender of the German Reich to the victorious Allies. Ater liberation, the Jewish Community estimates there are between 6,000 and 8,000 Jews living in Berlin. Of these, more than 4,000 are spouses in “mixed marriages,” 1,900 are survivors from camps and ghettos (especially heresienstadt) and 1,400 have survived in hiding in Berlin.653 650 LBI/Archive New York, Ludwig Misch Coll.: Meine Beschätigung während des Krieges, p. 5. 651 Inter alia Blau (untitled), in: Richarz, Monika (ed.), Jüdisches Leben, p. 472. 652 See Gedenkbuch Berlins der jüdischen Opfer des Nationalsozialismus, p. 408. 653 See Weltlinger, Siegmund, „Hast du es schon vergessen?“ Erlebnisbericht über die Verfolgung, Frankfurt/M. 1954, p. 7. 170 APPENDIX 1 Percentage of Jews in the Berlin Population, June 1933654 District Total population Jews by religion Percentage Charlottenburg 340,596 27,013 7.93 Wilmersdorf 196,573 26,607 13.54 Mitte 266,137 24,425 9.18 Prenzlauer Berg 312,981 18,051 5.77 Schöneberg 221,111 16,261 7.35 Tiergarten 251,924 12,286 4.88 Friedrichshain 303,149 6,437 2.12 Kreuzberg 339,198 6,096 1.80 Wedding 332 146 3,500 1.05 Steglitz 194,795 3,186 1.64 Neukölln 315,632 2,941 0.93 Zehlendorf 65,948 2,331 3.53 Tempelhof 114,385 2,322 2.03 Lichtenberg 241,186 2,208 0.91 Pankow 141,333 2,079 1.47 Weißensee 81,565 1,366 1.67 Reinickendorf 164,319 1,115 0.68 Treptow 124,534 1,006 0.81 Spandau 146,472 725 0.49 Köpenick Total 88,517 4,242,501 609 160,564 0.68 3.78 654 Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin, Bilder und Dokumente, p. 279, Table. 173 2 Jewish Population in Berlin up until the Beginning of the Deportations655 District June 1933 August 1935 May 1939 June 1941 Charlottenburg 27,013 26,741 11,393 10,400 Wilmersdorf 26,607 27,222 13,810 11,700 Mitte 24,425 22,368 13,821 10,000 Prenzlauer Berg 18,051 17,062 9,577 7,910 Schöneberg 16,261 15,924 10,056 9,075 Tiergarten 12,286 12,425 5,312 4,460 6,437 6,557 3,563 3,300 Friedrichshain Kreuzberg 6,096 5,899 2,652 2,240 Wedding 3,500 3,317 1,961 916 Steglitz 3,186 2,445 1,226 900 Neukölln 2,941 2,413 1,129 1,080 Zehlendorf 2,331 1,635 441 362 Tempelhof 2,322 1,825 455 352 Lichtenberg 2,208 1,928 563 340 Pankow 2,079 1,417 1,080 504 Weißensee 1,366 1,022 590 286 Reinickendorf 1,115 884 363 180 Treptow 1,006 824 232 265 Spandau 725 625 205 162 Köpenick 609 489 284 288 160,564 153,022 78,713 64,720 82,457 73,842 Total by religion Total by “race” 655 Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin, Essays und Studien, p. 256, Table. 174 3 Number of Jewish Emigrants from Berlin up to 1 September 1939656 Year Number of Emigrants 1933 13,000 1934 9,000 1935 6,000 1936 10,000 1937 10,000 1938 16,000 1939 (until beginning of the war) 16,000 Total 80,000 656 Table based on memo by Eppstein (ca. October 1939); BA Berlin, R 8150, No. 47, no fols. 175 4 Destination of Emigration of Jewish Berliners 1938657 Destinations Jan. Feb. March April May June July Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. Total Europe 195 214 276 330 289 278 410 482 639 613 1,440 2,021 7,187 Belgium 3 6 8 15 8 12 26 29 51 45 34 133 370 Bulgaria – – – 1 1 – 2 – 2 – 1 1 8 Denmark 3 4 7 3 10 5 11 10 11 10 13 15 102 Danzig 2 3 3 6 2 2 6 7 2 1 5 6 45 Estonia 1 – 1 – – – 1 7 2 1 – – 13 Finland – – – – – – 1 – – 3 6 1 11 France 13 22 22 37 13 34 32 49 90 60 60 89 521 Greece Great Britain with Ireland – – – – 2 – – – 1 1 – 1 5 51 63 69 70 59 59 100 118 143 150 141 Italy 17 21 28 23 45 35 44 29 19 15 6 16 298 Yugoslavia 1 – – 4 3 1 7 1 5 4 5 3 34 Latvia 7 5 7 10 13 7 9 7 18 25 16 14 138 401 1,424 Liechtenstein – 1 – – – – – – – – – – 1 Lithuania 3 1 2 5 1 3 4 5 – 3 1 6 34 Luxemburg – – – – 4 – 3 1 3 4 8 2 25 Memel territory – – 2 – – – – – – – – – 2 Netherlands 39 31 61 58 55 26 35 57 46 64 58 212 742 Norway – – – – – – – 1 4 – 1 6 12 Poland 10 9 11 23 10 21 39 27 63 139 960 945 2,257 657 BA Berlin, R 3901 (former R 41), No. 156, no fols.: Annex, “Economic Situation Report of the City President of the Reich Capital”, 1st Quarter 1939, 24 March 1939. 176 Destinations Jan. Feb. March April May June July Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. Total Portugal – – 1 1 – 1 5 1 8 3 2 3 25 Romania 3 6 4 2 – 8 3 11 14 6 5 1 63 Russia – 1 1 – – – 2 – – – – – 4 Sweden – 6 2 9 1 8 12 17 17 13 19 29 133 Switzerland 22 4 14 22 20 19 22 43 36 24 37 56 319 Spain – – 1 – – – – – – – – – 1 Czechoslovakia 16 26 27 30 28 30 36 50 85 34 33 53 448 Turkey – 1 – – – 1 – – – 1 – – 3 Hungary 4 4 5 11 14 6 10 12 19 7 29 28 149 35 54 142 33 29 37 49 101 280 221 362 363 1,706 123 1,083 Asia incl. Palestine 35 53 139 32 21 36 46 90 253 132 123 Australia 14 10 11 14 20 22 47 40 101 87 77 69 512 Africa 11 4 9 8 14 17 3 12 13 13 14 31 149 incl. South Africa 11 4 5 8 11 16 2 12 10 12 11 22 124 120 183 220 244 310 293 338 429 723 637 597 871 4,965 316 2,250 America incl. U.S.A. 54 98 91 130 121 157 153 221 337 343 229 Argentina 36 38 55 26 59 40 78 92 97 38 15 20 594 Brazil 1 2 3 1 8 2 1 2 20 9 25 59 133 Uruguay 8 21 32 10 18 6 21 26 53 55 76 73 399 375 465 658 629 662 647 Total 847 1,064 1,756 1,571 2,490 3,355 14,519 177 5 Deportations from Berlin to the East658659660 No. Date Destination Number deported 1 18 October 1941 Litzmannstadt (Lodz) 2 24 October 1941 Litzmannstadt 987 / 1,146 3 27/29 October 1941 Litzmannstadt 908 / 1,009 4 1 November 1941 Litzmannstadt 1,033 / 1,079 5 14 November 1941 Minsk 956 / 1,030 6 17 November 1941 Kovno 1,006 7 27 November 1941 Riga 1,000 8 13 January 1942 Riga 1,034 9 19 January 1942 Riga 1,002 10 25 January 1942 Riga 1,044 11 28 March 1942 Piaski 985 12 2 April 1942 Warsaw 984 / 1,025 13 14 April 1942 Warsaw 835 / 1,000 14 13 June 1942 Sobibór 748 / 1,030 15 24/26 June 1942 Minsk Auschwitz660 1,013 770659 16 11 July 1942 17 15 August 1942 Riga 997 / 1,004 18 5 September 1942 Riga 796 19 24/26 September 1942 20 19 October 1942 Riga 959 21 26 October 1942 Riga 798 22 29 November 1942 Auschwitz 998 23 9 December 1942 Auschwitz 994 24 14 December 1942 Auschwitz 815 25 12 January 1943 Auschwitz 1,196 26 29 January 1943 Auschwitz 1,004 27 3 February 1943 Auschwitz 952 28 19 February 1943 Auschwitz 997 29 26 February 1943 Auschwitz 913 / 1,095 Raasiku 192 1,049 658 Data based on Gottwaldt/Schulle, „Judendeportationen“, pp. 444–467. 659 It contained at least 465 individuals from Königsberg. 660 Destination “Warsaw/Auschwitz?” in the German version changed to “Auschwitz” ater information supplied by Alfred Gottwaldt. 178 No. Date Destination Number deported 30 1 March 1943 Auschwitz 1,722 31 2 March 1943 Auschwitz 1,756 32 3 March 1943 Auschwitz 1,726 33 4 March 1943 Auschwitz 1,120 34 6 March 1943 Auschwitz 665 / 721 35 12 March 1943 Auschwitz 941 36 19 April 1943 Auschwitz 681 37 17 May 1943 Auschwitz 406 38 28 June 1943 Auschwitz 314 39 4 August 1943 Auschwitz 100 40 24 August 1943 Auschwitz 46 41 10 September 1943 Auschwitz 49 42 28 September 1943 Auschwitz 73 43 14 October 1943 Auschwitz 78 44 29 October 1943 Auschwitz 50 45 8 November 1943 Auschwitz 50 46 7 December 1943 Auschwitz 55 47 20 January 1944 Auschwitz 48 48 22 February 1944 Auschwitz 32 49 9 March 1944 Auschwitz 32 50 18 April 1944 Auschwitz 31 51 3 May 1944 Auschwitz 26 52 19 May 1944 Auschwitz 24 53 15 June 1944 Auschwitz 29 54 12 July 1944 Auschwitz 31 55 10 August 1944 Auschwitz 39 56 6 September 1944 Auschwitz 39 57 12 October 1944 Auschwitz 31 58 24 November 1944 Auschwitz? 27 59 8 December 1944 Sachsenhausen 15 60 5 January 1945 Sachsenhausen 30 Total 37,231 / 38,344 179 6 Deportations from Berlin to Theresienstadt661 No. Date No. of persons 1 2 June 1942 50 2 4 June 1942 3 No. Date No. of persons 32 28 July 1942 100 100 33 29 July 1942 100 5 June 1942 100 34 30 July 1942 100 4 9 June 1942 50 35 31 July 1942 100 5 11 June 1942 50 36 3 August 1942 100 6 12 June 1942 50 37 4 August 1942 100 7 16 June 1942 50 38 5 August 1942 100 8 18 June 1942 50 39 6 August 1942 100 9 19 June 1942 50 40 7 August 1942 100 10 23 June 1942 50 41 10 August 1942 100 11 25 June 1942 50 42 11 August 1942 100 12 26 June 1942 50 43 12 August 1942 100 13 30 June 1942 50 44 13 August 1942 100 14 2 July 1942 50 45 14 August 1942 100 15 3 July 1942 50 46 17 August 1942 997 16 6 July 1942 100 47 19 August 1942 100 17 7 July 1942 100 48 20 August 1942 100 18 8 July 1942 100 49 21 August 1942 100 19 9 July 1942 100 50 24 August 1942 100 20 10 July 1942 100 51 25 August 1942 100 21 13 July 1942 100 52 26 August 1942 100 22 14 July 1942 100 53 27 August 1942 100 23 15 July 1942 100 54 28 August 1942 100 24 16 July 1942 100 55 31 August 1942 100 25 17 July 1942 100 56 1 September 1942 100 26 20 July 1942 100 57 2 September 1942 100 27 21 July 1942 100 58 3 September 1942 100 28 22 July 1942 100 59 4 September 1942 100 29 23 July 1942 100 60 7 September 1942 100 30 24 July 1942 100 61 8 September 1942 100 31 27 July 1942 100 62 9 September 1942 100 661 Data based on Gottwaldt/Schulle, „Judendeportationen“, pp. 447–467. 180 No. Date No. of persons 63 10 September 1942 100 64 11 September 1942 65 No. Date No. of persons 94 19 May 1943 100 103 95 28 May 1943 327 14 September 1942 1,000 96 16 June 1943 428 / 430 66 21 September 1942 100 97 29 June 1943 100 67 22 September 1942 100 98 30 June 1943 100 68 23 September 1942 100 99 1 July 1943 100 69 24 September 1942 100 100 4 August 1943 70 70 25 September 1942 100 101 10 September 1943 63 71 3 October 1942 1,021 102 15 October 1943 51 72 28 October 1942 100 103 15 November 1943 44 73 29 October 1942 100 104 22 November 1943 23 74 30 October 1942 100 105 10 January 1944 352 75 4 November 1942 100 106 21 January 1944 63 76 5 November 1942 100 107 9 February 1944 100 77 6 November 1942 100 108 23 February 1944 73 78 19 November 1942 100 109 10 March 1944 56 79 20 November 1942 100 110 19 April 1944 50 80 15 December 1942 100 111 4 May 1944 26 81 16 December 1942 100 112 26 May 1944 32 82 17 December 1942 100 113 16 June 1944 28 83 12 January 1943 100 114 13 July 1944 26 84 13 January 1943 100 115 11 August 1944 32 85 14 January 1943 100 116 5 September 1944 27 86 26 January 1943 100 117 13 October 1944 32 87 28 January 1943 100 118 27 October 1944 50 88 29 January 1943 100 119 24 November 1944 37 89 2 February 1943 100 120 8 December 1944 23 90 17 March 1943 1,342 / 1,285 121 5 January 1945 19 91 19 April 1943 100 122 2 February 1945 38 92 17 May 1943 100 123 27 March 1945 42 93 18 May 1943 100 Total 15,125 / 15,070 181 Glossary Altreich (Old Reich): Germany in its 1937 borders, before the Anschluss (annexation) of Austria and other territories. Arierparagraph (“Aryan Clause”): On 7 April 1933, the Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service (Gesetz zur Wiederherstellung des Berufsbeamtentums) was promulgated. In shorter parlance it is termed the Berufsbeamtengesetz or Civil Service Law. Its Paragraph 3 comprised a clause forbidding “non-Aryans” (shortly afterwards deined by decree as persons with at least one Jewish parent or grandparent) from employment in the civil service. This “Aryan Clause” was used until the Nuremberg laws to exclude Jews from all spheres of professional and social life. Asoziale (“Asocials”): in Nazi parlance comprised vagrants, beggars, Gypsies, pimps and any persons who lived an unadapted lifestyle and/or were perceived as habitually “work-shy.” Bezirk (District or borough): Berlin is comprised historically of a number of such districts, each of which has its own District Mayor or Bezirksbürgermeister. The central municipality is governed by an Oberbürgermeister or Lord Mayor. Bezirk has been rendered in this English translation as “district.” There were 20 such districts during the Nazi period. Deutschnational (German-National): associated with the rightwing nationalist party Deutschnationale Volkspartei (DNVP): a partner of the NSDAP in the irst coalition government under Hitler. Entjudung (de-Judiication): The ousting of the Jews from all spheres of German economic, social, cultural and political life. Gauleiter (District leader) of the NSDAP: Nazi party leader of a speciic Gau or district, of which there were ultimately 43. The Gau was the highest structural unit of the Nazi Party below the level of the Reich. A Gauleiter reported directly to Hitler. Goebbels was Gauleiter of Berlin. Geltungsjude (Person “deemed to be a Jew” in the context of Nazi race legislation): A subcategory of “Mischling” or persons of “mixed race.” Among “Mischlinge of the irst degree” (i.e. with two Jewish grandparents, “half-Jews”) the following two categories were deined as Geltungsjude: 1. the ofspring of an intermarriage who belonged to the Jewish community after September 1935; 2. the ofspring of an intermarriage who was married to a “full-blooded” Jew after September 1935. In contrast with “Mischlinge,” Geltungsjuden were treated by Nazi legislation in the main similar to “Volljuden” or “full Jews.” During the war, they were required to wear the yellow star, add the compulsory irst name Israel or Sara, and were frequently subject to deportation, often with their Jewish parent. The May 1939 census counted 6,600 Geltungsjuden, but other estimates raise that to ca. 8,000. Gemeinde: Autonomous Jewish local community incorporated as a statutory body under public law. Every Jew who did not oicially declare their withdrawal automatically was a member of the local Gemeinde, and paid its taxes (Gemeindesteuer). Gemeinde is used in German also for municipality. Geheimes Staatspolizeiamt (Gestapa): The Reich head quarter of the Gestapo (State Security Police Oice) in Berlin. It fused in 1939 into the Reich Security Main Oice as one of its component structures. Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt (JNBl.): From 23 November 1938 to July 1943 the only permitted newspaper for Jews in Germany. It served as the semi-oicial organ of the Reich Representation and soon of the Reich Association. One main function was to publish the laws and ordinances and decrees of the Nazi regime which pertained to the Jews. 183 Kulturbund Deutscher Juden (Jewish Cultural League): Founded in summer 1933 in Berlin, and then in other cities, in reaction to the persecution of Jewish artists, and active as an independent Jewish organization until September 1941. Kultusvereinigung (Religious Association): Jewish Gemeinden were stripped of their status as statutory corporations on 1 April 1938, and told to restructure as private associations and register as a Kultusvereinigung (“religious association”) in the Register of Associations, becoming an eingetragener Verein (e.V., “registered association”). The Berlin Jüdische Kultusvereinigung e.V. was absorbed, as others before, into the Reich Association on 28 January 1943. Land: A territorial-political unit in German political geography and administration similar in some ways to a federal state. Berlin during the Third Reich and down to today has had the status of Land, a kind of “city-state.” Its administrative units often bear the preix “Land(es-“), such as “Landeswohlfahrtsamt” (Berlin State Welfare Oice), Landgericht (Berlin State Court), Landesarchiv (Berlin State Archives). Mischling: Jews who were the ofspring of “mixed marriages” in the irst or second generation. This was deined in the 1st Implementation Ordinance (Verordnung) to the Nuremberg Laws of 1935. A Mischling of the second degree had one fully Jewish grandparent (“quarter-Jew”). A Mischling of the irst degree had two such grandparents, and was thus a “half-Jew.” A person with three “full blooded” Jewish grandparents was considered a Volljude or “full Jew.” The 17 May 1939 census indicated some 64,000 Mischlinge of the irst degree and 43,000 of the second degree. Along with this there were 72,000 “half-Jews,” including between 6,600 and 8,000 Geltungsjuden. Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP, National Socialist German Workers Party): The oicial name of the Nazi party since spring 1920. Nürnberger Gesetze (Nuremberg Laws): Two race laws adopted in September 1935 at the NSDAP party convention in Nuremberg: the Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honor (“Blood Protection Law” [Blutschutzgesetz]) and the Reich Citizenship Law (Reichsbürgergesetz). These laws deined the inferior civil status of Jews in Germany. Much of the subsequent anti-Jewish legislation was issued in the form of 13 Verordnungen (implementation ordinances) to the Reich Citizenship Law. The Reich Citizenship Law stripped Jews of their political rights and granted a second class citizenship (Staatsangehöriger vs Reichsbürger), and its 1st Implementation ordinance provided the inal deinition of who was a “full Jew,” “Mischling” or “Geltungsjude.” The Blood Protection Law prohibited marriage and sexual intercourse between “non-Aryans” and “full-blooded Germans.” Ostmark: Oicial National Socialist term for Austria after the March 1938 Anschluss or annexation. Rassenschande (“Race deilement”): Sexual relations between Jews and “Aryans,” a criminal ofense under the Nuremberg Blood Protection Law of 1935. Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland (Reich Association of the Jews in Germany): Compulsory organization of “Jews by race” (Rassejuden), set up by the Gestapo right after the pogrom of November 1938 as successor to the Reich Representation (Reichsvertretung). The Reich Association was oicially founded by decree of July 1939. While all Jews had to be members, the association was responsible for their welfare, schooling and emigration. The president of the Reich Representation and its successor of the Reich Association was Rabbi Leo Baeck. Reichsvertretung der Deutschen Juden/der Juden in Deutschland (Reich Representation of the German Jews/ of the Jews in Germany): Organization representing all Jews in Germany, established in the autumn of 1933. It brought together all the major organizations of German Jewry and the Gemeinden. It represented German Jewry 184 in its entirety to the National Socialist regime and to Jewish organizations outside Germany, and helped hold the community together under the onslaught of persecution. After the Nuremberg laws, in the autumn of 1935 it partially changed its oicial name from “German Jews” to “Jews in Germany.” Reichssicherheitshauptamt (Reich Security Main Oice): set up in September 1939. Its departments included the Gestapo, one subdivision specializing in Jewish afairs was IV B 4, the Criminal Police and the Security Service of the SS (Sicherheitsdienst, SD). Völkischer Beobachter (Folkish Observer): The daily newspaper of the NSDAP. Founded in 1920 as a weekly, upgraded to a daily in 1923, it reached a circulation of 1.7 million in mid-1944, and continued to be distributed until March 1945. Volksgenosse: A member of the Volksgemeinschaft or folk community in Nazi ideology. A racial term, it often referred simply to “Aryan Germans”. Jews could not by deinition be Volksgenossen. Terms in legal and archival German in the footnotes Beilage Denkschrift Dienstblatt Teil supplement memorandum oicial journal part 185 List of abbreviations BA BA-MA BLHA C.V./CV CJA CZA DNVP e.V. fol. Gestapo GCM HQ JKV JNBl. LA LBI no fols. NSDAP Rep. RGBl. RGVA RM RS RSHA SA Sopade SS VB VEJ YV 186 Bundesarchiv (Federal Archives) Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv (Federal Archives-Military Archives) Brandenburgisches Landeshauptarchiv (Brandenburg Main State Archives) Central-Verein (deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens) (Central Association of German Citizens of the Jewish Faith) Stiftung Neue Synagoge Berlin – Centrum Judaicum, Archiv Central Zionist Archives Deutschnationale Volkspartei (German National People’s Party) eingetragener Verein (registered association) folio Geheime Staatspolizei (Secret State Police) German Council of Municipalities (Deutscher Gemeindetag) Headquarters Jüdische Kultusvereinigung zu Berlin e.V. (Jewish Religious Association). Name of the Jewish Community in Berlin by regime directive from April 1941. Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt (Jewish News Gazette) Landesarchiv (State Archives) Leo Baeck Institute no foliation Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (National Socialist German Workers Party) Repositur (repository) Reichsgesetzblatt (Reich Law Gazette) Russian State Military Archive Reichsmark Rückseite (obverse) Reichssicherheitshauptamt (Reich Security Main Oice) Sturmabteilung (Storm Detachment, i.e. Storm troopers) Deutschland-Berichte der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands (Reports on Germany of the Social Democratic Party of Germany) Schutzstafel (Protective Squadron) Völkischer Beobachter (Folkish Observer) Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden durch das nationalsozialistische Deutschland 1933–1945, eds. Götz Aly et al., Vol. 1: Deutsches Reich 1933 bis 1937, comp. by Wolf Gruner, Munich 2008; Vol. 2: Deutsches Reich 1938 – August 1939, comp. by Susanne Heim, Munich 2009. Yad Vashem List of archives consulted Archiv der Gedenkstätte und Museum Sachsenhausen (Archives of the Memorial and Museum Sachsenhausen) Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Bavarian Main State Archives), Munich Brandenburgisches Landeshauptarchiv (Brandenburg Main State Archives), Potsdam Bundesarchiv (Federal Archives), Berlin Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv (Federal Archives-Military Archives), Freiburg i.Br. Central Archives for the History of the Jewish People, Jerusalem Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Secret State Archives, Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation), Berlin Institut für Zeitgeschichte/Archive, Munich Landesarchiv Berlin (State Archives Berlin) Landgericht Berlin (State Court Berlin) Leo Baeck Institute/Archives, New York Russian State Military Archive/Special Archive, Moscow Stadtarchiv Leipzig (Municipal Archives Leipzig) Stiftung Neue Synagoge Berlin – Centrum Judaicum, Archiv The Wiener Library Institute of Contemporary History, London Yad Vashem, Jerusalem 187 Selected sources and literature 1 On National Socialist Persecution of the Jews in Germany Contemporary publications C.V.-Zeitung 1933–1938. Der gelbe Fleck. Die Ausrottung von 500 000 deutschen Juden, mit einem Vorwort von Lion Feuchtwanger, Paris 1936. Jüdisches Nachrichtenblatt, Berlin 1938–1943. Jüdische Rundschau 1933–1938. Reichsgesetzblatt 1933–1943. Reichsministerialblatt der inneren Verwaltung 1942. Das Schwarzbuch – Tatsachen und Dokumente. Die Lage der Juden in Deutschland, ed. Comité des Délégations Juives (Reprint of Paris edition 1934), Frankfurt/M. 1983. Sopade – Deutschland-Berichte der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands 1934–1940, 7 vols., ed. Klaus Behnken, 7th printing, Salzhausen 1989. Völkischer Beobachter (North German edition) 1933–1943. Vossische Zeitung 1933. The Jewish Black Book Committee, The Black Book. The Nazi Crime against the Jewish People, New York 1946. Source materials and studies Adam, Uwe-Dietrich, Judenpolitik im Dritten Reich, Düsseldorf 1972. Adler, Hans G., Der verwaltete Mensch. Studien zur Deportation der Juden aus Deutschland, Tübingen 1974. Aly, Götz, „Endlösung“ – Völkerverschiebung und der Mord an den europäischen Juden, Frankfurt/M. 1995. (English translation: “Final solution”: Nazi population policy and the murder of the European Jews, London/New York 1999). Aly, Götz, Hitlers Volksstaat. Raub, Rassenkrieg und nationaler Sozialismus, Frankfurt/M. 2005. (English translation: Hitler’s beneiciaries: plunder, racial war, and the Nazi welfare state, New York 2007). „Arisierung“. Volksgemeinschaft, Raub und Gedächtnis, eds. Irmtrud Wojak/Peter Hayes, Frankfurt/M./New York 2000. Bajohr, Frank, Verfolgung aus gesellschaftsgeschichtlicher Perspektive. Die wirtschaftliche Existenzvernichtung der Juden und die deutsche Gesellschaft, in: Geschichte und Gesellschaft 26 (2000), No. 4, pp. 628–638. Bankier, David (ed.), Probing the Depths of German Anti-Semitism. German Society and the Persecution of the Jews 1933–1941, New York/Jerusalem 1999. Barkai, Avraham, „Wehr dich!“ Der Centralverein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens (C.V.) 1893–1938, Munich 2002. Barkai, Avraham, Vom Boykott zur „Entjudung“. Der wirtschaftliche Existenzkampf der Juden im Dritten Reich 1933–1943, Frankfurt/M. 1988. (English translation: From Boycott to Annihilation. The Economic Struggle of the German Jews, 1933–1943, Hanover/NH 1989). Benz, Wolfgang (ed.), Die Juden in Deutschland 1933–1945. Leben unter nationalsozialistischer Herrschaft, Munich 1988. Benz, Wolfgang (ed.), Überleben im Dritten Reich. Juden im Untergrund und ihre Helfer, Munich 2003. 188 Blau, Bruno, Das Ausnahmerecht für die Juden in Deutschland 1933–1945, 3rd rev. ed., Düsseldorf 1965. Burrin, Philippe, Hitler und die Juden. Die Entscheidung für den Völkermord, Frankfurt/M. 1993. (English translation: Hitler and the Jews: The Path to Genocide, London 1994). Cox, John M., Circles of Resistance. Jewish, Leftist and Youth Dissidence in Nazi Germany, New York 2009. „Das war ein Vorspiel nur …“ Bücherverbrennung Deutschland 1933. Voraussetzungen und Folgen, Ausstellung der Akademie der Künste, Berlin 1983. Eschwege, Helmut (ed.), Kennzeichen J. Bilder, Dokumente, Berichte zur Geschichte der Verbrechen des Hitlerfaschismus an den deutschen Juden 1933–1945, Berlin 1981. Essner, Cornelia, Die „Nürnberger Gesetze“ oder die Verwaltung des Rassenwahns 1933–1945, Paderborn 2002. Friedenberger, Martin/Gössel, Klaus-Dieter/Schönknecht, Eberhard (eds.), Die Reichsinanzverwaltung im Nationalsozialismus. Darstellung und Dokumente, Bremen 2002. Friedländer, Saul, Das Dritte Reich und die Juden. Die Jahre der Verfolgung, Bd. 1: 1933–1939, Munich 2000. (English original: Nazi Germany and the Jews: Vol. 1: The Years of Persecution 1933–1939, New York 1997). Friedländer, Saul, Das Dritte Reich und die Juden. Die Jahre der Vernichtung, Bd. 2: 1939–1945, Munich 2007. (English original: The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939–1945, New York 2007). Gellately, Robert, Die Gestapo und die deutsche Gesellschaft. Die Durchsetzung der Rassenpolitik 1933–1945, Paderborn 1993. (English original: The Gestapo and German society: enforcing racial policy, 1933–1945, Oxford/New York 1990). Gilbert, Martin, Kristallnacht. Prelude to Destruction, New York et al. 2007. Ginzel, Günther B., Jüdischer Alltag in Deutschland 1933–1945, Düsseldorf 1984. Goebbels, Joseph, Die Tagebücher des Joseph Goebbels. Sämtliche Fragmente, ed. Elke Fröhlich im Auftrag des Instituts für Zeitgeschichte und mit Unterstützung des Staatlichen Archivdienstes Rußlands, Teil I: Aufzeichnungen 1924–1941, Vols. 1–4, Munich 1987. Goebbels, Joseph, Die Tagebücher des Joseph Goebbels. Sämtliche Fragmente, ed. Elke Fröhlich im Auftrag des Instituts für Zeitgeschichte und mit Unterstützung des Staatlichen Archivdienstes Rußlands, Teil II: Diktate 1941–1945, Vols. 7–9, Munich 1993. Gottwaldt, Alfred/Schulle, Diana, Die „Judendeportationen“ aus dem Deutschen Reich 1941–1945, Wiesbaden 2005. Gruner, Wolf, Der Geschlossene Arbeitseinsatz deutscher Juden. Zur Zwangsarbeit als Element der Verfolgung 1938 bis 1943, Berlin 1997. Gruner, Wolf, The German Council of Municipalities and the Coordination of Anti-Jewish Local Policies in the Nazi State, in: Holocaust and Genocide Studies 13 (1999), No. 2, pp. 171–199. Gruner, Wolf, Jewish Forced Labor under the Nazis. Economic Needs and Racial Aims (1938–1944), New York 2006. Gruner, Wolf, Die Kommunen im Nationalsozialismus. Innenpolitische Akteure und ihre wirkungsmächtige Vernetzung, in: Seibel, Wolfgang/Reichardt, Sven (eds.), Der prekäre Staat. Herrschen und Verwalten im Nationalsozialismus, Frankfurt/M. 2011, pp. 167–212. Gruner, Wolf, Local Initiatives, Central Coordination: German Municipal Administration and the Holocaust, in: Feldman, Gerald D./Seibel, Wolfgang (eds.): Networks of Nazi Persecution. Bureaucracy, Business, and the Organization of the Holocaust, New York/Oxford 2005, pp. 269–294. Gruner, Wolf, Die NS-Judenverfolgung und die Kommunen. Zur wechselseitigen Dynamisierung von zentraler und lokaler Politik 1933–1941, in: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 48 (2000), No. 1, pp. 75–126. 189 Gruner, Wolf, Öfentliche Wohlfahrt und Judenverfolgung. Wechselwirkungen lokaler und zentraler Politik im NS-Staat (1933–1942), Munich 2002. Gruner, Wolf, Poverty and Persecution: The Reichsvereinigung, the Jewish Population, and the Anti-Jewish Policy in the Nazi-State, 1939–1945, in: Yad Vashem Studies 27 (1999), pp. 23–60. Gruner, Wolf, “The Germans Should Expel the Foreigner Hitler”. Open Protest and Other Forms of Jewish Deiance in Nazi Germany, in: Yad Vashem Studies 39 (2011), No. 2, pp. 13–53. Gruner, Wolf, Von der Kollektivausweisung zur Deportation der Juden aus Deutschland. Neue Perspektiven und Dokumente (1938–1945), in: Kundrus, Birthe/Meyer, Beate (еds.), Die Deportation der Juden aus Deutschland. Pläne, Praxis, Reaktionen 1938–1945 (Beiträge zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus, Vol. 20), Göttingen 2004, pp. 21–62. Gruner, Wolf (compiler), Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden durch das nationalsozialistische Deutschland 1933–1945, eds. Götz Aly, Wolf Gruner, Susanne Heim et al., Vol. 1: Deutsches Reich 1933 bis 1937, Munich 2008. Hambrock, Matthias, Die Etablierung der Außenseiter. Der Verband nationaldeutscher Juden 1921–1935, Cologne 2003. Heim, Susanne (compiler), Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden durch das nationalsozialistische Deutschland 1933–1945, eds. Götz Aly, Susanne Heim, Ulrich Herbert et al., Vol. 2: Deutsches Reich 1938 – August 1939, Munich 2009. Heimat und Exil. Emigration der deutschen Juden nach 1933, eds. Stiftung Jüdisches Museum Berlin/Stiftung Haus der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Frankfurt/M. 2006. Hepp, Michael (ed.), Die Ausbürgerung deutscher Staatsangehöriger 1933–45 nach den im Reichsanzeiger veröfentlichten Listen/Expatriation Lists as Published in the „Reichsanzeiger“ 1933–45, 3 vols., Munich 1985. Herbst, Ludolf, Das nationalsozialistische Deutschland 1933–1945, Frankfurt/M. 1996. Hermann, Klaus J., Das Dritte Reich und die deutsch-jüdischen Organisationen 1933–1934, Cologne 1969. Hilberg, Raul, Die Vernichtung der europäischen Juden, 3 vols., rev. ed., Frankfurt/M. 1990. (English original: The Destruction of the European Jews, Teaneck/NJ 1985). Kaplan, Marion A., Der Mut zum Überleben. Jüdische Frauen und ihre Familien in Deutschland, Berlin 2001. (English original: Between Dignity and Despair: Jewish Life in Nazi Germany, New York 1998). Kulka, Otto Dov/Jäckel, Eberhard (eds.), Die Juden in den geheimen NS-Stimmungsberichten 1933–1945, Düsseldorf 2004. (English translation: The Jews in the Secret Nazi Reports on Popular Opinion in Germany, 1933–1945, New Haven 2010). Kwiet, Konrad/Eschwege, Helmut, Selbstbehauptung und Widerstand. Deutsche Juden im Kampf um Existenz und Menschenwürde 1933–1945, Hamburg 1984. Lippert, Julius, Lächle… und verbirg die Tränen. Erlebnisse und Bemerkungen eines deutschen „Kriegsverbrechers“, n.p. 1955. Longerich, Peter, „Davon haben wir nichts gewußt.“ Die Deutschen und die Judenverfolgung 1933–1945, Munich 2006. Longerich, Peter, Politik der Vernichtung. Eine Gesamtdarstellung der nationalsozialistischen Judenverfolgung, Munich 1998. (Updated English translation: Holocaust: The Nazi Persecution and Murder of the Jews, Oxford 2010). Meyer, Beate, „Jüdische Mischlinge“. Rassenpolitik und Verfolgungserfahrung 1933–1945, Hamburg 1999. Meyer, Beate, Tödliche Gratwanderung. Die Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland zwischen Hofnung, Zwang, Selbstbehauptung und Verstrickung (1939–1945), Göttingen 2011. (English translation: A Fatal Balancing Act: The Dilemma of the Reich Association of Jews in Germany, 1939-1945, New York 2013). 190 Meyer, Michael A. (ed.), German-Jewish History in Modern Times, Vol. IV: Renewal and Destruction 1918–1945, eds. Avraham Barkai/Paul Mendes-Flohr, with an epilogue by Steven M. 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